IN modern Russia The problem of so-called children’s and youth “beer alcoholism” sharply declared itself and became the most acute problem. Today, the problem of “beer alcoholism” is one of the first places, often ahead of drug addiction and substance abuse.

Currently, Russia is among the countries whose population occupies a leading position in beer consumption.

Currently, the average age for starting beer consumption is 12-13 years. A few years ago it was 16-18 years old. Unfortunately, drinking beer by minors is prohibited recent years is growing steadily. According to the Center for Sociological Research, in the age group 11-24 years old, more than 70% consume beer. At the same time, girls do not lag behind boys.

The widespread practice of drinking beer and low-alcohol drinks in public places has a negative impact on the moral and ethical climate in society and creates an atmosphere of permissiveness. The desire to understand this issue, as well as its relevance today prompted us to turn to the stated research topic.

82 people, school students in Samara aged 14-16 years, took part in the sociological study. Among them are 41 girls and 41 boys.

In the process of the study, a set of methods was used that were adequate to the object and subject of the study, namely: “Methodology of personality differential”, “Questionnaire to identify the attitude of adolescents towards beer alcoholism”. The reliability of the results was established using correlation analysis (Spearman's rank analysis), f* - Fisher's angular transformation test, U - Mann-Whitney test.

“Questionnaire to identify adolescents’ attitudes towards beer alcoholism” includes 16 questions with multiple answer options. The questionnaire is aimed at studying three main relationships: I.

Personal experience of use. This position is tracked by the following:

No. 4. At what age did you try alcohol?

No. 5. What alcoholic drink did you try for the first time?

No. 7. How often do you drink alcohol?

No. 9. When you feel it is appropriate to drink alcohol;

No. 10. Have you ever regretted drinking alcohol?

No. 11. Have you ever experienced discomfort after drinking alcohol? II.

Civil position. This position is tracked by the following:

No. 1. Do you think that alcoholism is a problem in modern society;

No. 2. Do you think that this problem will always be present in society;

No. 6. What alcoholic drink can you drink at your age?

No. 8. How do you feel about prohibiting alcohol consumption?

No. 12. Will the situation with alcohol consumption change in the future?

No. 13. Do you think that anyone can become addicted to alcohol? III.

Involvement in prevention (attitude towards prevention):

No. 3. Do you think that you can make a significant contribution to the prevention of alcohol addiction;

No. 14. In your opinion, what motives can contribute to a person’s addiction to alcoholic beverages;

No. 15. If a loved one began to abuse alcohol, what would you do?

No. 16. In your opinion, is it difficult to recover from alcohol addiction?

Statistical analysis. The percentage of respondents who answered a particular question is calculated. 2.

Quantitative analysis. Allows you to track the positive or negative “attitude” of adolescents towards the problem of beer alcoholism.

After collecting data using the above questionnaire, the “Personality Differential” technique was carried out. The results obtained were compared, and methods of mathematical statistics were applied to them.

As a result, we were able to draw the following conclusions: 1.

There are differences in the attitude of boys and girls to the problem of “beer alcoholism.” 2.

The following positions are typical for boys: -

in adolescence you can drink beer; -

alcoholic drinks can be consumed in a situation of relieving emotional stress; -

Each person decides for himself whether to drink alcohol or not, so you should not interfere in the process of making this decision -

Teenage boys with a high level of self-esteem have a greater awareness of the problem of “beer alcoholism.” 3.

The following positions are typical for girls: -

It is appropriate to drink alcohol at a birthday party; -

If a loved one begins to abuse alcohol, then it is necessary to have an explanatory conversation with him. 4.

However, there are a number of similar opinions regarding the positions of boys and girls in relation to the problem of “beer alcoholism”. -

Regarding citizenship:

Alcoholism is a problem in modern society.

This problem will always be present in society.

Alcohol consumption cannot be prohibited.

In the future, the level of alcoholism will increase. -

In relation to prevention:

It is difficult to recover from alcohol addiction.

Not every person can become addicted to alcoholic beverages.

Both believe that they will not be able to make a significant contribution to the prevention of alcohol addiction. -

Regarding personal experience of use:

Boys and girls tried alcohol before the age of 14.

Neither one nor the other ever regretted drinking alcohol.

Thus, the study was able to establish that there are differences in the attitude of boys and girls to the problem of “beer alcoholism.” Despite this, it can be stated that not all problems voiced during the study were studied in depth and thoroughly. However, this study can become the basis for further study of the problem of “beer alcoholism” and can be used to prevent alcohol (beer) addiction among young people.

Literature 1.

Guzikov, B.M. Identification of a contingent of adolescents at risk of abuse of narcotic and other toxic substances / B.M. Guzikov, A.A. Vdovichenko, N.Ya. Ivanov // Review of psychiatry and medical psychology. - 1993. 2.

Egorov, A.Yu. Features of alcoholism in puberty and postpuberty // Materials of the Congress on Child Psychiatry. September 25 -28, 2001. - M., 2001. 3.

Practical psychodiagnostics / Ed. D.Ya. Raigorodsky. - Samara, 2000. 4.

Korolenko, Ts.P. Addictive behavior. General characteristics and patterns of development // Review of psychiatry and medical psychology. - 1991.

More on the topic THE PROBLEM OF BEER ALCOHOLISM IN YOUTH ENVIRONMENT: GENDER ASPECT Matasova I.L.:

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3. MORAL ASPECTS OF INTERPERSONAL CONFLICTS among adolescents
4. Petrov Vladimir Nikolaevich Some methodological aspects of the study of adaptation processes of migrant students in a foreign ethnic environment

The structure of alcohol consumption as an indicator of social group in modern Russian cities

But, in addition to studying the demand for alcohol in a quantitative aspect (usually expressed in the level of ethanol consumption), it is equally important to analyze the structure of consumption, that is, the share of consumers and the volume of consumption of certain drinks. As you know, in the 1990s. Russia has largely moved from the so-called northern type of consumption (focused primarily on vodka) to the Central European one (focused on beer in combination with vodka). However, a radical change in the structure (a decrease in the share of consumers of vodka and moonshine, an increase in consumers of beer and partly wine) ended by the beginning of the 2000s, and over the past 10 years the share of consumers of various alcoholic beverages has remained relatively stable. Although such a change is often considered positive, since the transition from vodka to beer means a decrease in the strength of the drink, and, therefore, should have less fatal consequences for health, recently there has been a lot of talk about “beer alcoholism”.

But changing the consumption structure is important not only from the point of view of its impact on reducing the overall volume of alcohol consumption and, as a consequence, improving public health. The choice of alcoholic beverages, as well as other consumer goods, including food, is part of a lifestyle and is closely related to a person’s position in society, therefore in this work we are primarily interested in the structure of alcohol consumption as a reflection of the social meanings attributed to different drinks, as well as their role as markers of social status. The importance of differentiating food and beverages as indicators of social status has been noted by many researchers. But, starting from the last quarter of the twentieth century, sociologists have postulated the emergence of a “post-class” society, in which conventional social units such as class, stratum and group (including those based on division by gender, age, etc.) determine practices less and less individuals. Researchers tend to classify Russia as a “post-class” society. A similar phenomenon is noted by the theory of postmodern society, in which the lifestyle is becoming increasingly fragmented, unrelated to social status.

In this study, therefore, we will try to answer the question: can the consumption of different alcoholic beverages be considered an indicator of the differentiation of social groups in modern Russia? To do this, we will first review the economic and sociological concepts of alcohol consumption, which explain what factors influence the volume and structure of consumption. The research methodology will then be discussed and finally the empirical results obtained will be presented.

The reasons, features and factors of alcohol consumption have been studied within the framework of economic and sociological concepts for quite a long time. We will consider those that allow us to assume which social groups of society, identified on the basis of gender, age, profession, position in the hierarchy, may be characterized by the consumption of more or less alcohol, as well as individual drinks and preference for certain brands.

Within the framework of economic science, empirical research in the area under study began with the publication of the work of G. Becker and K. Murphy, where the authors develop a theory of rational biases that explains the commitment of an economic agent to certain benefits over a long period of time. Using the concept of “consumer capital,” researchers show that a habit is the result of maximizing utility from the consumption of a good, associated with the accumulation of consumer capital. An important conclusion of this model is that people who are focused on the current period of time are more likely to consume “harmful” goods than those who have a long-term orientation. The consequence of this is the conclusion that individuals with a higher level of education, as they better predict their future, are less likely to consume alcohol.

Another line of research into alcohol consumption is the connection between the level of its consumption and income and prices. Alcohol is a normal good, meaning its consumption (physical volume) increases with income. At the same time, a number of researchers note the nonlinear nature of the relationship between income and consumption. For Russia, a U-shaped relationship between income and consumption was found, that is, the poor and rich drink more than people with average incomes. One more characteristic feature consumption - a significant increase in alcohol costs (rather than the volume of consumption) with income growth. Thus, wealthier people prefer to increase not so much the quantity of alcohol consumed, but its quality, buying more expensive, good drinks.

Alcohol consumption was seen as a form of deviant behavior in social hoops theory; another sociological approach views it as a reaction to an individual's poor psychological and emotional state. Based on these ideas, more active consumers may be, on the one hand, poor and even declassed strata, and on the other hand, those experiencing stress at work (for example, business managers).

However, within the framework of this article, we will be more interested in the so-called structural approach, which is associated with the study of not only the volume, but also the composition of consumed goods. It was proposed to analyze the relationship social structure and the culture of a society with a variety of food preferences, including drinks. At the same time, consumption different types alcohol is inextricably linked with culinary preferences, which vary in different regions, in different periods of time and in different social classes. First, N. Elias, for the first time in 1939, and after him S. Mennell showed that changes in nutrition (including drinks) are subject to the so-called civilization process, that is, the individual’s increasing control of his affects. At the same time, “hunger” is replaced by “appetite”, and the process of eating and drinking becomes more and more regulated, subject to social norms. At the same time, restrictions are introduced on certain types of food and drinks, and among such restrictions are those related to the marking of gender and social status. Thus, consumption of meat and certain types of alcohol becomes an advantage for the rich, and among other status groups - an advantage for men. Strong alcohol is also a symbol of masculinity. Possible explanations for the fact that in many societies women and young people are not allowed to consume strong alcohol include concern for the health of them and their descendants. Drinking alcohol (especially hard alcohol) in this context can be a symbol of growing up (for young people) or gender equality (for women).

Within the framework of cultural and anthropological traditions, the consumption of food and drinks has a ritual meaning. Alcohol can act as a marker of the transition from work to leisure, social exclusion, social roles, and close friendships. In addition, its consumption often acts as a ritual and is associated with significant events, and certain types of drinks are tied to specific holidays (for example, champagne - on New Year). A. Thornton examines the consumption of two types of alcoholic beverages in Austria - Sect and Schnaps - in the context of their social significance. Thus, zekt (sparkling wine) is a formal, individualizing drink, consumed on holidays and important dates. In contrast, schnapps (fruit vodka) is a drink that is not tied to any formal event, and is suitable for consumption in a close circle of family or friends. Corresponding to a certain social attitude, the consumption of a particular drink can say a lot about who drinks it. The consumption of zect is more characteristic of the class of professional workers who prefer formal relationships and are more individualized, while schnapps is more often consumed by workers and farmers who tend to establish closer, almost friendly relationships. In this context, alcohol consumption ceases to be exclusively a means of satisfying individual needs and becomes a means of reproducing the structure of social positions through the acquisition of symbolic meaning, as J. Baudrillard pointed out.

Consideration of the consumption of goods (and alcohol, in particular) as a mechanism for the reproduction of social structure is one of the basic ideas of the French sociologist P. Bourdieu, who discovered the dependence of the differentiation of life styles (that is, practices and tastes) on the volume and ratio of economic and cultural capital of different social groups . P. Bourdieu notes that unequal conditions of existence give rise to different practices. Thus, professors and teachers, who have a large amount of cultural capital compared to industrialists and businessmen, are characterized by the consumption of other foods and drinks, as well as a different level of budget expenditures for these purposes. We can say that it is more typical for workers to consume wine and beer (in France), and for the wealthy classes - cognac and champagne. At the same time, the theory of postmodern society suggests that such class differences in the modern world are being erased and city dwellers are becoming characterized by a fragmented, mosaic lifestyle, borrowing practices from different social segments.

Empirical studies of alcohol consumption have also contributed to the structural approach. The alcohol consumption typologies used by the authors can be based on both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Within the first, it is customary to distinguish at least three groups: abstainers, moderate consumers and those whose alcohol consumption can be hazardous to health. A qualitative approach at the interregional level distinguishes such types as northern (preference for drinks such as vodka, as well as heavy drinking from time to time), southern (with a predominance of regular, but not excessive consumption of wine) and central European (with a focus on beer and irregular consumption of strong alcohol) . Statistics show that in recent years the Central European type has captured more and more countries, including those that previously belonged to the northern or southern type. This process also affected Russia: in the 1990s. The share of vodka consumers has significantly decreased and the share of beer consumers has increased.

Thus, advances in the field of alcohol consumption research allow us to put forward two opposing hypotheses.

Hypothesis 1: alcohol consumption in Russia remains highly differentiated in volume and structure depending on social group (including gender, age, social class and others).

Hypothesis 2: the boundaries of social groups in the area of ​​consumption have become blurred (especially in cities), which has led to the emergence of a postmodern lifestyle, characterized by a combination of fragments from different types (in our case, this means a weak relationship between the nature of alcohol consumption and social characteristics and a high degree of combination of different drinks).

In our study, for a number of reasons, we will consider only alcohol consumption by the population of large cities. First, depending on the level of urbanization, differences were identified in the structure of alcohol consumption by type. So, in big cities the share of wine and cognac consumers is 1.5-2 times higher, and moonshine consumption is half as high as in the countryside. Second, in rural areas the social structure and patterns of alcohol consumption are more homogeneous, which makes testing their relationship less interesting. Thirdly, it was found that prestige consumption, as well as a postmodern lifestyle, are more characteristic of urban populations than of rural residents.

Basic information base project are data from the Russian Target Group Index (RTG), provided free of charge for our research by Synovate Comcon. This database has been collected by Synovate Comcon annually since 1995 on the basis of a large-scale questionnaire survey of residents of Russian cities with a population of more than 100 thousand people. and contains data on the consumption of goods and services, media preferences and lifestyle, and the socio-demographic characteristics of the family as a whole and its individual members.

We will consider the dynamics of the structure of alcohol consumption based on the data from the Russian Center of Social Sciences for 2000-2010, and the factors influencing the consumption of different types of alcohol - based on data for 2010. The general population of the Russian Center of Social Sciences (population over 16 years old, living in cities with a population of more than 100 thousand .) amounted to more than 57 million people in 2010, the sample was almost 29 thousand people. Of these, those who drank at least one alcoholic beverage in the last three months accounted for 70.5%, that is, the general population of alcohol consumers is 40.3 million people. (sample - 18.56 thousand people).

Another Russian database on the basis of which alcohol consumption is often analyzed is the study “Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey of HSE, RLMS-HSE”. However, some results obtained from RLMS-HSE and RICG data may differ slightly. This is due to several factors. First, in the RLMS-HSE, information on alcohol consumption is collected for the last month before the survey (most often October or November), and in the RIC - for the last three months. In addition, since data is collected quarterly in the RIC, the influence of seasonality is virtually eliminated. This explains why the share of consumers of such drinks as champagne and cognac is significantly higher in RICH compared to RLMS-HSE: they are often drunk on holidays. In addition, these types of alcohol are more typical for residents of cities, which are the object of the RICH (and RLMS-HSE is representative for all of Russia). It should also be said that the RIC does not have data on the consumption of moonshine and homemade wine: these types of alcohol are consumed significantly less often in the city compared to the countryside, so this does not lead to a significant underestimation of consumption.

We will begin the analysis with a study of the dynamics of the share of alcohol consumers in general and individual drinks, which will place our research in the context of changes in consumption patterns. A respondent is considered a consumer of each type of drink if he drank it during the last three months before the survey. Accordingly, alcohol consumers are those respondents who have drank at least one type of alcohol over the past three months.

Next, we will analyze the relationship between the consumption of individual drinks and the respondent's membership in social groups defined by their gender, age, education, income and social class. For this purpose, correlation analysis and correspondence analysis (CA) will be applied. In this latter we will use two groups of variables: the first is the fact of consumption of different alcoholic beverages; the second is socio-demographic characteristics. In different AS models, the composition of the variables of the second group will differ (gender and age groups, professional and income groups, social classes). In our research, we will always use the division into social classes according to the methodology of the European Society for Opinion and Market Research (ESOMAR), adopted in the RIC: A - upper class; B, C1 and C2 - middle classes (higher-middle, middle-middle and lower-middle, respectively); D - lower and E - lower-lower classes.

Then we will move on to consider the repertoire map of the alcoholic beverages market, showing how many types of alcohol the consumer drinks along with the selected one.

At the next stage of analysis, to identify characteristic types of consumers depending on the structure of preferred drinks, a cluster analysis model was implemented on the totality of those respondents who consume alcohol. For classification, the k-means cluster analysis procedure on factors, built into the DataFriendWeb package, was used, using the dichotomous variable “does the respondent drink this type of alcoholic drink?” The socio-demographic characteristics of each cluster are examined based on the significance of correlations between them and the “cluster number” variable.

Finally, we will look at the relationship of consumer characteristics (gender, age, income, education, social class) with volume, frequency, types, brands and location of consumption for drinks such as beer, vodka, wine and cognac. For this purpose, methods of correlation analysis and correspondence analysis will also be used. In the AS, in this case, as the first group of variables, a set of dummy variables is used about the fact of consumption by the respondent of a particular brand of each type of alcohol.

In 2000-2010 The share of consumers of any alcoholic beverages among the urban population over 16 years of age fell from 78 to 70.5%, that is, their number decreased by 2 million people. (from 42.3 to 40.3 million). At the same time, the reduction in the share of drinkers affected men more strongly: during the analyzed period it fell among them by almost 11 percentage points, while among women it fell by only 5 percentage points.

As in Russia as a whole, among the population of large cities most of the patterns regarding the determinants of the likelihood of drinking alcohol remain the same. All the factors described below have a significant effect, identified on the basis of correlation analysis. Thus, the probability of consuming any alcoholic beverages increases linearly with the level of education and per capita income (with the exception of the least affluent group). The dependence on age is quadratic, that is, with age, the proportion of alcohol consumers first increases and then falls. The maximum proportion of alcohol consumers is aged 35-44 years. At the age of 16-19 years, there are more girls who drink (51%) than boys (46%), but already in the next age interval (20-25 years) men are ahead of women. For 2000-2010 Alcohol consumption decreased among both men and women of all ages, with the exception of the oldest. Among men over 65 years of age, this proportion has remained virtually unchanged (75% in 2010), and among women of this age it has even increased (from 40 to 55%).

As in other studies (based on RLMS-HSE data), it was found that the proportion of drinkers is higher among people living in cities with a population of more than 1 million people; married (including unregistered); having a job (the type of work - mental or physical - is insignificant); in households without children or with children under 5 years of age. Apparently, the lower proportion of drinkers in families with children aged 10-18 may be explained by the parents’ desire not to encourage them to start drinking alcohol. IN in this case this most likely supports the social hoops theory.

Among married men the share of alcohol consumers is 80.2%, while for single men it is 67.9% (significant correlation coefficients for married men: + 0.132; for single men: - 0.124 compared to the Russian average). For women, such differences are characteristic to a lesser extent: the difference in the share of consumption among married and unmarried people is only 5 percentage points (68.5 and 63.3%, respectively). However, the correlation coefficients show the presence of a weak (for unmarried: - 0.043; for married: + 0.061), but significant dependence, that is, single women are slightly less prone to alcohol consumption than married women.

Of the million-plus cities, the lowest proportion of teetotalers is in St. Petersburg (22%). It turned out to be unexpected that among Ukrainians and especially Belarusians there are more alcohol consumers (75 and 80%, respectively) than among Russians (70.6%), and among Tatars there are almost the same number (69.5%) as among Russians. This contradicts the assumption that being Muslim is a barrier to alcohol consumption. The share of those who drink is higher among representatives of the upper and middle-middle classes (about 74%), and the smallest among the lower class (60%).

During the period under review (2000-2010), the popularity rating of different types of alcoholic beverages did not change, but the share of consumers of beer, vodka, wine and ready-made low-alcohol cocktails fell slightly, while the share of other drinks increased (see Fig. 1). In 2010, like 10 years ago, the share of beer consumers is highest; in second place is vodka, followed by wine and champagne, cognac, ready-made cocktails and vermouth. For 2005-2010 The share of those who drink whiskey (twice) and rum has increased, although the level of consumption of these drinks is still low (but in 2000, only 1.5% of alcohol consumers drank whiskey, and 0.7% drank rum).

Figure 1. Dynamics of the share of consumers of various alcoholic beverages as a percentage of all alcohol consumers over 16 years of age. RICG, 2000-2010

It is well known that the structure of alcohol consumption has a pronounced gender character: the so-called men's drinks are primarily beer and vodka, and women's drinks are wine and champagne. However, if you look at the dynamics, you will notice that over 11 years the structure of alcohol consumption among women has changed more than among men. Among men, the share of those drinking vodka fell the most (from 81 to 60%), slightly less - the share of drinking beer (from 86 to 78%), and the share of drinking cognac (from 13 to 20%) and whiskey increased (from 2005 to 2010). - from 5 to 8%).

Among women, the share of vodka drinkers also fell the most (but this change was more radical than among men - from 53 to 29%) and beer (from 60 to 48%). During the same time, the share of those who drank champagne increased from 45 to 51%, while those who drank wine remained at the same level (52%). The peak share of wine drinkers among women occurred in 2004 (60%, that is, more than the share of beer drinkers). The share of those who consumed cognac (from 10 to 18%), vermouth (from 8 to 11%), liqueurs (from 5 to 9%), and whiskey (from 3 to 6% in 2005-2010) also increased.

There is quite a significant difference in changes in the consumption structure by age. In the age group of 20-35 years, the share of those who drank vodka fell the most (from 66 to 34%, that is, almost half) and the share of those who drank wine (from 46 to 36%) and beer (from 83 to 76%) decreased slightly. The rest of the drinks have changed little. But among people over 55 years of age, the share of vodka and beer drinkers also fell, but not so much, while the share of wine, champagne and especially cognac consumers increased significantly. True, it should be noted that during the observation period people became 10 years older, that is, the age group of 20-35 years in 2010 are those young people who were only 10-25 years old in 2000. Changes in consumption may therefore be explained more by changes in cohorts than by changes in tastes within a generation.

As for changes in the structure of consumption by social classes, they were similar in both the lower and higher (including upper-middle) classes: the share of vodka consumers fell significantly (in the upper A and upper-middle B classes from 65 to 45%, in lower D and lower-lower E - from 70 to 47%); the proportion of those drinking beer decreased, but not so much (in classes A and B - from 74 to 59%; in class D - from 76 to 67%; in class E - from 67 to 54%). The share of wine drinkers in all classes changed slightly (although in class A it increased from 49 to 52%, and in class B it fell from 49 to 44%); the share of cognac lovers increased in all classes (in the highest - from 25 to 32%, and in the lowest - from 6 to 10%), champagne decreased slightly in all classes except the two lowest (here it even increased slightly: in class E - from 25 to 29%). However, the percentage of those who drink these three drinks remained higher in the upper classes.

Correlation analysis based on 2010 data showed that women are more likely than men to consume a range of alcoholic beverages. Thus, among women drinkers, the share of wine drinkers is 52%, champagne - 50%, vermouth - 11%, liqueur - 8.7%, which is almost twice as high as among men. But among men there are one and a half times more lovers of vodka (59.8%) and beer (78.4%).

Regarding the influence of age, we can say that the popularity of beer reaches its maximum (76%) in the group of people 20-24 years old, then gradually decreases to 38.5% for people over 65 years old. The peak popularity of vodka occurs between the ages of 55-64 years (54.4%), after which the share of its consumers in the oldest age group decreases to 50.3%. A change in wine consumption patterns was observed in different age groups. In 2000, the share of wine consumers was highest among young people aged 2024 (45.5%), then decreased to 34.6% among people over 65 years of age. In 2010, the share of wine drinkers was the smallest (29%) among young people aged 16-19, then it gradually increased to 50.7% among the elderly. The influence of cohorts was not detected in this case. A similar trend can be seen for cognac and brandy.

Analysis of the correspondence between types of drinks and gender and age groups made it possible to identify the horizontal axis as gender, and the vertical axis as age (see Fig. 2). Based on significant positive relationships, it can be established that wine, champagne, liqueurs and vermouth are most typical for consumption by women over 25 years old, rum - by women 20-24 years old. Cognac is most typical for men over 65, vodka for men over 25, beer for men under 54, and whiskey for men 20-34 and women 20-24. Tequila and low-alcohol cocktails are most commonly consumed by young people aged 16-24 of both sexes.

Figure 2. Analysis of correspondence between types of drinks and gender and age groups. RIC 2010

Note. Green dotted lines indicate significant positive relationships between traits.

Thus, gender and age aspects in the consumption of various drinks are most pronounced: lighter and sweeter drinks are typically feminine, and stronger or bitter ones are typically masculine. In addition, there are status drinks for older people (primarily men), this is cognac, and, conversely, for young people, regardless of gender, these are low-alcohol cocktails, tequila, whiskey and rum. As you can see, the last group of drinks is relatively new on the Russian market and has won the sympathy of, first of all, young people.

Let us now turn to the study of the relationship between the consumption of various drinks and social class. As we already noted in the literature review, a number of studies in the structuralist paradigm have revealed the relationship between the consumption of various drinks and social class. In P. Bourdieu’s study, two types of capital were considered, the different volumes and structures of which are characteristic of social classes: economic (expressed in income) and cultural (expressed in level of education). Is it possible to talk about the relationship between the social class to which a person belongs and his economic and cultural capital with the propensity to consume a particular drink? For this purpose, correlation analysis was first used, which showed the presence of significant relationships.

Thus, among alcohol consumers with incomplete secondary, secondary and secondary specialized education, the largest number of drinkers are beer (more than 65%) and vodka (more than 45%). Students and university graduates also prefer beer (59.9%), but the second most popular drink is wine (46.3%). Among people with a science degree, wine is the most popular (63.3%), followed by vodka (57.3%). Thus, with an increase in the level of education, the share of consumers of wine and champagne significantly increases and the share of beer decreases. For the people themselves high level Education is also characterized by “experimentation”: in this case, there is the largest proportion of those who consume such atypical and expensive drinks for Russia as rum, gin, liqueur and whiskey.

As we have already seen, the largest proportion of alcohol consumers drink beer. However, the variation in beer consumption among different income groups is quite significant. So, for groups with per capita income below 2000 rubles. characterized by a high proportion of beer consumers (70.6%), while for groups with an income of 5000-7000 rubles. it is 57.4%. As income increases, the proportion of people who drink champagne, whiskey, cognac and brandy, tequila, and wine increases. Correlation analysis also showed the presence of a relationship between the consumption of different types of alcohol and social class. In the lowest-lowest class (E), the share of those drinking champagne (29%) and wine (37.2%) is minimal, and then it gradually increases, reaching 51.8% and 45.3% respectively in the upper class ( A). Also, from class E to class A, the share of consumers of whiskey (from 1.1 to 11.9%) and cognac (from 10.3 to 31.6%) is growing. The share of lovers of gin, rum and tequila is increasing, but only slightly, since in general very little of them are drunk in Russia. Vodka consumption varies little by social class, but the slight variation is nonlinear. Thus, the lower class (E) is characterized by the largest share of consumers of vodka and bitters (47%), then this value decreases to 42% in the middle class and grows again to 45% in the upper classes.

The second correspondence analysis model was implemented to identify relationships between types of alcoholic beverages, on the one hand, and per capita income and level of education, on the other (see Fig. 3, only significant positive relationships are shown). The horizontal axis in this model can be interpreted as income growth (from right to left), and the vertical axis as education growth (from top to bottom).

Because education level, income, position, and social class are interrelated variables, they do not fit well in one correspondence analysis model, so in the other two models we used the variables “position” (and “occupation” for unemployed) and “social class.” . These three models ultimately made it possible to distinguish three groups of drinks.

The first group included vermouth, cognac and wine; their use corresponds to a high level of education. Cognac, in addition, marks the consumption of three classes occupying the best positions in the social structure (A, B and C1), as well as highly qualified specialists and second-level managers. Wine is the choice of educated retirees. Whiskey, rum, gin and tequila correspond to a high level of per capita income; in this case, whiskey marks all three higher classes, rum - upper-middle class (B), and tequila - middle-middle class (C1). Managers of enterprises and organizations prefer both whiskey and tequila. Vodka, beer and low-alcohol cocktails form a group associated with low income and education. At the same time, the preference for both vodka and beer characterizes the lower class (D), people with secondary and specialized secondary education, as well as skilled workers and craftsmen. The lower-lower class (E) prefers vodka rather than beer. And for students and people with incomplete secondary education (most often these are college students and schoolchildren), consumption of low-alcohol cocktails is typical.

Thus, the structure of consumption of various alcoholic beverages confirms our first hypothesis - that they often act as indicators of belonging to a certain status position associated with the possession of a certain level of cultural and economic capital, as well as professional status. We can say that Russian alcohol consumers do not yet look like people of a postmodern society, which is characterized by a mosaic and fragmented lifestyle.

Figure 3. Analysis of the correspondence between types of drinks and education, per capita income and social class. RICG, 2010

The data also showed a significant effect of job type on drink choice. Thus, among manual workers, compared to those engaged in mental labor, there is a higher proportion of those who consume beer (74.4 versus 60.8%), vodka and bitters (52.5 versus 39.8%). On the contrary, among knowledge workers there is a higher proportion of consumers of champagne (44.5 versus 29.4%), wine (47.9 versus 28.8%) and cognac (25.2 versus 14.9%). This corresponds well to the results obtained by both P. Bourdieu for France and M. Thornton for Austria: certain types of alcoholic beverages are associated with status differences among consumers and carry a semantic load, acting as “official” and “unofficial.” As in Austria, in Russia champagne is positioned as a formal and “disconnecting” drink, while vodka and beer are positioned as informal, consumed among friends and strengthening social ties.

The greater the proportion of consumers of any alcoholic drink, the less it is combined with the consumption of other types of alcohol. Thus, among lovers of the most popular drink in Russia today - beer - half also drink vodka and about a third also drink wine or champagne. Other drinks are chosen less frequently. More than 70% of vodka consumers also drink beer, a third drink champagne and wine, and a quarter drink cognac. Half of wine drinkers do not refuse both beer and champagne, and 38% do not refuse vodka. Approximately the same situation is typical for champagne consumers. The tastes of more than half of cognac lovers allow them to drink wine and champagne, and more than 60% - beer and vodka. But among consumers of almost all other drinks (except for liqueurs and vermouth, although for them the shares given below are simply slightly smaller), more than three-quarters drink beer, more than half drink vodka, wine, champagne and cognac. Thus, whiskey, gin, rum and tequila do not represent the choice of a “loyal” consumer, but are characteristic of people with diverse tastes and high incomes who can afford to buy them.

The repertoire map of consumption of alcoholic beverages presented in Figure 4 illustrates their location in the space of two axes: vertically - the share of consumers, horizontally - the average number of drinks consumed. An inverse relationship between these indicators is obvious, which is usual for markets of many goods (as a rule, such a map is built for different brands). It can also be noted that beer has the highest share of consumers (62%) and at the same time the smallest number of preferred drinks: for example, a beer lover drinks on average 1.8 types of other drinks (including beer - 2.8 types of drinks). Vodka, champagne and wine occupy similar positions: the share of consumers is about 40%, and the average number of other drinks consumed is slightly more than two types. Accordingly, those who drink cognac (about 20%) on average focus on three other types of alcohol. But the share of consumers of other drinks does not exceed 10%, but if for lovers of vermouth and liqueurs the average number of other drinks consumed is about 4.5 types, then for those who drink whiskey and tequila - 4.5, and for those who drink rum and gin - 5. 5.

Figure 4. Repertoire map of the alcoholic beverages market. RIC 2010

To divide consumers into different segments by type of consumption, cluster analysis was used, as mentioned above. The optimal number of clusters - four - was identified in the process of interpreting various solutions.

Cluster 1: lovers of light alcohol (37.2% of the total number of alcohol consumers). Among the respondents in this cluster, the largest share consumes beer (62.5%), a very small number drink other strong drinks (for example, 5% cognac), and no one drinks vodka. At the same time, 21% drink champagne, and 25.7% drink wine.

In this group, the proportion of women is significantly higher than the average for the sample (58%), but this group is quite gender neutral. The share of young people under 35 is also significantly higher here (47%). The differences by level of education are not very large, although they are significant: in general, the proportion of people with higher education is lower here (44%). 30% are not engaged in the labor market, the rest are approximately equally engaged in physical and mental labor. In this group, the proportion of representatives of the lower class E (7.5%) is significantly higher and the proportion of classes A and B is significantly lower (12% in total).

Cluster 2: male type of consumption (32.5%). Among the people included in this cluster, the largest proportion of consumers are vodka (99.6%) and beer (71.5%). Since these drinks correspond to a “masculine” image, this cluster was named accordingly. 17.5% each drink cognac and champagne, 14% drink wine.

This group, as one might expect, is almost three-quarters male, and 60% of its representatives are between the ages of 35 and 64, which is significantly higher than in the entire sample. Thus, more than half of the consumers of strong alcohol are older people, which corresponds to the previously discovered results: with increasing age, the consumption structure shifts towards strong alcoholic drinks. More than half of all cluster members (56.9%) have secondary or specialized secondary education; 60% of workers (or 43% of the entire group) are engaged in manual labor. In this cluster, the highest proportions of people from the lower and lower-low classes (in total - 37.5%), the average level of per capita income is 14.6 thousand rubles. (about $500).

Cluster 3: female type of consumption (26%). Among the respondents assigned to this cluster, the highest proportion of consumers are wine (88.2%) and champagne (85%). The consumption of these drinks, as shown above, is typical primarily for women and corresponds to their image. In this group, the shares of vermouth (21.1%) and cognac (34%) lovers are also high.

This group is 72% female. The cluster includes people from a wide range of age groups. The age structure is close to the Russian average, but there are slightly fewer young people aged 20-35 and more elderly people over 55 (the differences are significant). Graduate or incomplete higher education have 58%, so it is not surprising that 69% of workers are engaged in mental work (48% of the entire group). Almost half of all members of this group belong to classes A, B and C1 (that is, higher, higher-middle and middle-middle), which exceeds the average share of representatives of these classes in Russia as a whole (36%). However, the average per capita income of representatives of this group is not so high (16.5 thousand rubles).

Cluster 4: eclectic type of consumption (4.3%). Although this is the smallest group, it is very interesting. Perhaps, only in connection with it can we talk about a postmodern style of consumption, since the shares of consumers of all alcoholic beverages are large here (the highest are whiskey (88%), beer (78%), rum (76%); the lowest are vermouth and low-alcohol cocktails (28% each). The share of vodka consumers is lower than in the male type (63%), however, for all drinks the correlation shows a significant excess of the share of consumers above the average for Russia.

This group does not have a pronounced gender specificity, although there are significantly more men in it (57%). Half of this cluster is under 35, more than any other group. It also has the highest level of education (64% have incomplete higher education, higher education or an academic degree), the share of people engaged in mental work (52%), and income level (20% had a per capita income above $1,000). A fifth of this group belongs to the upper classes (A and B), another 62% belong to the middle classes (C1 and C2). This cluster has the highest proportion of managers (first level - 5.2%, second level - 17%).

Thus, clusters corresponding to different types of consumption have both gender-age and class specificities. It can be said that the male type of alcohol consumption is characteristic of both men and older people, as well as people with lower incomes and education. In contrast, women's pattern of alcohol consumption is less associated with age, but is typical for the middle class, that is, for people with high education, but not the highest incomes. The remaining two types can be called youth; these types do not have such a bright gender coloring, however, there is a significant difference between them in social status. Light alcohol drinkers often do not work or study and do not have the highest incomes, while the eclectic type is typical for highly wealthy young people holding high positions. We can confirm the above conclusion that the type of alcohol consumption in modern Russia is quite closely related to social, gender and age status and can be considered as one of its identifiers. Even the eclectic type of consumption that we discovered, which is closest to the concept of a postmodern lifestyle, is still a marker of the highest status groups.

As we saw above, a number of alcoholic beverages - such as cocktails, vermouth, whiskey, liqueurs, gin, rum and tequila - are drunk by less than 10% of alcohol consumers, and their consumption itself is already a social marker due to its rarity. However, for example, beer and vodka are drunk by both men and women, both young and old, both poor and rich, although in different proportions. The same, but to a lesser extent, can be said about wine, champagne and cognac. One might expect that not only do alcoholic beverages themselves act as indicators of membership in a particular social group, but also the volume (or frequency) of consumption, preferred brands and price may serve this purpose. Unfortunately, the RIC database does not contain information on expenses for the purchase of alcoholic beverages, so let’s try to look at the differences in other characteristics (based on data for 2010).

It is not surprising that among beer consumers, men drink it more often than women (men - 7 times a month on average; women - 3.8 times), and drink a larger volume (6.4 versus 3.8 liters). In addition, men more often drink strong beer, and women drink light beer. The dependence of consumption volume on age is quadratic, as are the shares of consumers (the maximum volume - 6.3 liters per month - is drunk by people aged 25-34 years; the least amount - 3 liters - is drunk by elderly people over 65 years old). Older people often prefer strong beer. More than a fifth of young people under 25 drink beer in bars, discos, etc., and this share then drops sharply with age, reaching 5% or less for people over 45. Poor people (with a per capita income of up to 5,000 rubles) and those with average incomes (15-30 thousand rubles) also drink the most. As the level of education increases, the volume of consumption decreases. The highest level of consumption is in the lower class (D) - 5.7 liters per month, and the lowest in the upper class (A) - 5.1 liters. The middle classes are somewhat more likely to drink beer in restaurants, pubs and bars (12-13 versus 4%), while the lower classes drink beer on the street (8-9% versus 5-6%). People most likely to drink alone are the upper (18%) and lower-lower classes (24%).

It is curious that in all classes the most popular is Baltika (Baltika No. 7 is most often drunk by 11% of the upper and 14% of the upper-middle classes, and Baltika No. 3 by 19.5% of the lower-low and 17.6 % lower classes). However, the greatest differences between classes (as well as between people with different levels of education and income) are observed in the preferences of less common brands: for example, “Velkopopovicky Kozel” is drunk more often than other brands by 8.4% of the upper class and only 2.7% of the lower-lowest. class. However, there are no significant differences between social classes in the average number of brands consumed. Correspondence analysis showed that the most characteristic brands for the upper, upper-middle and middle-middle classes are the brands “Staropramen”, “Velkopopovicky Kozel” and “Holsten”; classes B and C1, in addition, prefer Heineken and Carlsberg; class A - “Zlatopramen” and “Sol”. Classes E and D most often drink, in addition to Baltika, such brands as Zhigulevskoye, Klinskoye, Yarpivo, Okhota, Three Bears. Thus, there are two distinct types of brands: the lower classes prefer cheaper domestic brands, and the upper and middle classes prefer more expensive foreign ones. For the lower classes, when choosing, it is also significantly more important that the brand is easy to find on sale (18.6% in class E and only 8% in class A), as well as an acceptable price (39 versus 23%), and for the upper classes - country of origin (18 versus 15% in class E).

Like beer, vodka is a drink with a masculine image, so it is not surprising that men drink it more often than women (on average 3.7 times a month versus 1.7 times), and twice as much (the average man drinks 0. 6 liters per month, and a woman - 0.3 liters). With age, the frequency of vodka consumption gradually increases, reaching 3.3 times a month for older people 55-64 years old, and the maximum amount - more than 0.5 liters - is drunk by middle-aged people, 25-54 years old. The amount of drinking depends nonlinearly on income, and decreases with increasing education. The lower classes drink more than the upper classes. There are also significant differences in the proportion of those who drink vodka in a bar or restaurant: this proportion is higher among younger people and lower in lower classes. For the lower classes, also significantly more important when choosing a brand are the reasonable price (this factor is chosen by 45% of class E and 40% of class D, but only 30% of the upper classes) and the fact that the brand is easy to find on sale (27% for class E and 11% for class A). It is quite interesting that the brand that is most often consumed by all social classes, except the lowest-lowest, is the “Green Brand” (it was noted by 17-18% of classes A, B, C1 and D), and in class E - “Wheat”. However, a significantly larger proportion of both the upper classes and people with higher education choose “Parliament”.

Although the proportion of wine consumers is higher among women, men on average consume it 1.5 times more and more often than women (2.7 times a month, drinking 0.6 liters). Men prefer dry wine more often than women, while the weaker sex prefers sweet wine. The dependence of consumption volume on age is quadratic (they drink the most at the age of 35-45 years, 0.5 liters per month), and on income it is close to linear (direct dependence). However, people with incomplete secondary education drink more wine (0.6 l) than those with higher education (0.43 l), although the share of wine consumers among the former is 16%, and among the latter - 35%. Most often, the highest class drinks wine (2.5 times a month), as well as classes B and E (2.2 times a month). However, the volume of alcohol consumed by class does not differ significantly from the average.

There are significant differences by country of origin. Correspondence analysis shows that the upper class prefers German, Chilean and Spanish wines, the upper-middle class prefers Spanish and French, the middle-middle class prefers Chilean, Italian and Argentinean, that is, foreign wines. At the same time, the lower-lower class prefers Russian and Hungarian wines, and the lower class prefers Russian and Bulgarian. In general, more expensive foreign wines are preferred by people with higher incomes and education, while domestic and cheaper wines are preferred by people with lower incomes. The upper classes prefer dry wine, while the lower classes prefer fortified wine. As in the case of vodka and beer, the factors of affordability and availability are more important for the lower classes than for others.

Cognac is also a more “masculine” drink, and men drink it more often than women (1.8 vs. 1.3 times per month) and more (0.3 vs. 0.2 l), although these differences are smaller than for vodka and beer . The share of cognac consumers is highest at the age of 35-64 years, however, the largest amount on average is drunk by people 20-44 years old (more than 0.25 liters per month). The share of cognac consumers also increases linearly with the level of social hierarchy (from 6% in class E to 24% in class A), but the volume of consumption per person does not change significantly. The upper classes prefer older skates, choosing brands for good taste and quality. The upper classes (A, B and C1) drink Ararat more often than others (12-13%), the lower-middle class drinks Hennessy (11%), the lower class drinks White Stork, and the lower-low class drinks Russian. and "White Stork". Correspondence analysis, in addition to the identified preferences, also showed that “Remy Martin” is characteristic of the upper class.

The results of our study showed that differences in the structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages are important symbolic characteristics of social groups in Russia, primarily gender, age, and educational and income groups, which allows us to say that hypothesis 1 was confirmed, and not hypothesis 2. First of all this applies to the choice of drinks itself: for example, beer, vodka and other strong drinks are typical for male consumption, and wine, champagne and liqueurs - for female consumption. In general, women choose lighter and sweeter drinks (even prefer sweet wine over dry), and men confirm their status with strong and bitter types of alcohol. These preferences should be attributed primarily to the cultural traditions that reinforced such symbols of gender status. Age differences also reflect fixed stereotypes: older groups prefer vodka and wine, younger groups prefer beer and low-alcohol cocktails, most likely due to aggressive advertising in the late 1990s. and affordability of price and portions, since a single dose of beer or cocktail (can, bottle) is easy to buy and drink, and stronger drinks, as a rule, require division into portions (that is, drinking in company or over time).

Class differences associated with unequal amounts of cultural and economic capital are also reflected primarily in the types of drinks chosen, consistent with the results obtained for France in the 1970s. P. Bourdieu, although the list of these drinks in Russia is somewhat different. Thus, the upper classes in Russia are more inclined to consume wine, champagne, cognac, whiskey and such “exotic” drinks as rum and tequila. At the same time, the volume of consumption is not an indicator of luxury for alcohol, as it was, for example, in the Middle Ages for meat consumption. On the contrary, beer and vodka, which are consumed by all classes, are consumed to a greater extent by the less educated and poorer. But for these drinks, as well as for wine, the most significant class differences are found in the choice of brands and producers. The lower classes focus on affordability and availability, choosing cheap domestic brands, while the upper classes focus on quality and taste, preferring more expensive foreign brands.

Thus, in general, in modern Russia, a high dependence has been identified between types of alcohol consumption and social classes, as was discovered by P. Bourdieu. Features of a postmodern lifestyle, characterized by a mosaic of consumption, and in our case, eclecticism of taste, were found in less than 5% of alcohol consumers, who mainly belong to the educated and wealthy strata of young people occupying leadership positions. However, in this case, there is still no reason to believe that such a style of alcohol consumption will spread from rich to poor, as often happens with goods that were considered a luxury for some time, but then became commonplace, as noted in the trickle-down theory. Rather, this pattern of eclectic consumption also acts in this case as an indicator of high social status.

In this scientific work used the results of the project “Sociological studies of modern Russian markets", carried out within the framework of the Fundamental Research Program of the National Research University Higher School of Economics in 2014.
Pyotr Aleksandrovich Martynenko is a first-year master's student in Applied Methods of Social Analysis of Markets at the Faculty of Sociology of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.
Roshchina Yana Mikhailovna - candidate economic sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of Economic Sociology, Senior Researcher at the Laboratory of Economic and Sociological Research at the National Research University Higher School of Economics.
WHO. 2012. European Action Plan to Reduce the Harmful Use of Alcohol 2012-2020. Geneva: World Health Organization.
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Farrell P., Fuchs V. 1982. Schooling and Health: The Cigarette Connection. Journal of Health Economics. 1: 217-230; Hughes K. et al. 1997. Young People, Alcohol, and Designer Drinks: Quantitative and Qualitative Study. British Medical Journal. 7078: 414-418, etc.
Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University of Higher School of Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE building: 245.
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Bourdieu P. 1984 (1979). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Douglas M. 1987. A Distinctive Anthropological Perspective. In: Douglas M. (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 3-15; Thornton M. 1987. Sekt versus Schnapps in an Austrian Village. In: Douglas M. (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 102-112.
Beck U. 1992. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage: 2-3.
Ionin L. 1998. Sociology of culture. M.: Logos: 252.
Harvey D. 1989. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell; Herpen N., Verger D. 2008. Consommation et modes de vie en France. Paris: La Decouverte, coll. "Grands Reperes".
Becker G., Murphy K. 1988. A Theory of Rational Addiction. Journal of Political Economy. 96 (4): 675-700.
Ibid., r. 677.
Ibid., r. 682.
Andrienko Y., Nemtsov A. 2005. Estimation of Individual Demand for Alcohol. Economics Education and Research Consortium Working Paper Series. No. 05/10.
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Douglas M., Isherwood B. 1979. The World of Goods: Towards an Anthropology of Consumption. New York: W. W. Norton; Levi-Strauss C. 1981 (1947). Les structures elementaires de la parente. Paris: Mouton.
Elias N. 1969. The Civilizing Process. Vol. I. The History of Manners. Oxford: Blackwell; Elias N. 1982. The Civilizing Process. Vol. II. State Formation and Civilization. Oxford: Blackwell; Mennell S. 1987. On The Civilizing of Appetite. Theory, Culture & Society. 4 (2-3): 373-403.
Mennell S. 1985. All Manners of Food. Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present. Oxford: Basil Blackwell; Mennell S. 1987. On The Civilizing of Appetite. Theory, Culture & Society. 4 (2-3): 373-403.
Douglas M. 1987. A Distinctive Anthropological Perspective. In: Douglas M. (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 7.
Ibid., r. 10.
Thornton M. 1987. Sekt versus Schnapps in an Austrian Village. In: Douglas M. (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 102-112
Ibid.
Baudrillard J. 1968. Le systeme des objets. Paris: Gallimard.
Harvey D. 1989. The Condition of Postmodernity: An Inquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Oxford, UK; Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell.
Brennan A. et al. 2009. Modeling to Assess the Effectiveness and Cost-Effectiveness of Public Health Related Strategies and Interventions to Reduce Alcohol Attributable Harm in England Using the Sheffield Alcohol Policy Model Version 2.0. Report to the NICE Public Health Program Development Group. 9 November 2009.
Popova S. et al. 2007. Comparing Alcohol Consumption in Central and Eastern Europe to Other European Countries. Alcohol & Alcoholism. 42 (5): 465-473.
Right there.
Tapilina V. 2006. How much does Russia drink? Volume, dynamics and differentiation of alcohol consumption. Sociological research. 2: 85-94; Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In the collection: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University of Higher School of Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE House; 238-257.
Klimova S. 2007. Alcoholism: ordinary theories. Social reality. 2: 30-40. URL: http://corp. fom.ru/uploads/socreal/post-225.pdf: 35; Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In the collection: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University of Higher School of Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE House; 238-257.
Kozyreva P., Dorofeeva Z. 2008. General and specific in the adaptation of townspeople and villagers to radical transformations. In the collection: Golenkova Z. T. (responsible editor). Modernization of the social structure of Russian society. M.: Institute of Sociology RAS: 73; Herpen N., Verger D. 2008. Consommation et modes de vie en France. Paris: La Decouverte, coll. "Grands Reperes".
For more information about the RIC, see: URL: http://www.comcon-2.ru/default.asp?trID=427
See URL: http://www.comcon-2.ru/
See, for example: [Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University of Higher School of Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE House; 238-257].
See the description of classes and methods for their construction: URL: http://www.comcon-2.ru/default.asp?artID=1937
Unfortunately, not all types of drinks had data on the volume of consumption, which, perhaps, would be more informative for conducting cluster analysis.
Roshchina Y. 2013. To Drink or Not to Drink: The Microeconomic Analysis of Alcohol Consumption in Russia in 2006-2010. WP BRP 20/SOC/2013, Moscow: National Research University Higher School of Economics.
Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In the collection: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE House; 238-257.
Roshchina Y. 2012. Dynamics and structure of alcohol consumption in modern Russia. In the collection: Kozyreva P. M. (responsible editor). Bulletin of the Russian Monitoring of the Economic Situation and Health of the Population of the National Research University of Higher School of Higher School of Economics (RLMS-HSE). M.: Publishing house. HSE House; 238-257.
Bourdieu P. 1984 (1979). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul
The structure of these AS models is not given due to the limited space of the article.
Bourdieu P. 1984 (1979). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul; Thornton M. 1987. Sekt versus Schnapps in an Austrian Village. In: Douglas M. (ed.) Constructive Drinking: Perspectives on Drink from Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 102-112.
Bourdieu P. 1984 (1979). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Braudel F. 1979. Civilization materielle, economie et capitalisme, XVe - XVIIIe siecles. 3 vols. Tome 1. Les Structures Du Quotidien: Le Possible et l "Impossible. Paris: Armand Colin; Ch. 3.
Bourdieu P. 1984 (1979). Distinction. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Transl. by Richard Nice. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Braudel F. 1979. Civilization materielle, economie et capitalisme, XVe - XVIIIe siecles. 3 vols. Tome 1. Les Structures Du Quotidien: Le Possible et l "Impossible. Paris: Armand Colin; Ch. 3.

SURVEY CHARACTERISTICS
The beer questionnaire survey took place from February 24 to March 2, 1997. A total of 510 respondents were interviewed in the homes of respondents using a random sample. The questionnaire contained the following questions:

about the frequency of drinking beer
about getting to know the varieties
about typical places of purchase
about adherence to favorite varieties
about the tendency to taste new varieties
on beer price sensitivity
about the size and cost of a typical single serving
about preferences in relation to dark and light varieties
about the three most preferred domestic and three imported varieties.

FREQUENCY OF BEER CONSUMPTION IN WARM AND COLD SEASONS
As the survey showed, the Moscow beer market accounts for 40% of adult (16 years and older) city residents, or approximately 2.9 million people. This means that two out of every five Muscovites drink this drink at least several times during the warm season.
How often do you drink beer in the warm season?


Surprisingly, in the cold season this figure decreases slightly - from only 40% to 36%. In other words, beer drinkers in the summer usually indulge in this drink in the winter. What is changing? Frequency of consumption of this drink.
How often do you drink beer during the cold season?


A joint analysis of answers to the above two questions showed that 41% of consumers drink beer more often in summer than in winter. However, as can be seen from the table below, a sharp drop in frequency still does not occur: in winter, people most often tend either not to change their summer habits at all, or, if they do retreat, then only “one step”

	Share of those who drink beer in the cold season (% of the number of people who ever drink beer, 100% according to the table)
Beer drinkers in the warm season:	almost every day, every day	several times a week	several (4-5) times a month	several times a season	I don't drink beer at all	I find it difficult to answer
almost every day, every day	4%	6%	3%	1%
several times a week	1%	14%	10%	2%	1%
several (4-5) times a month		1%	17%	12%	2%	1%
several times a season			1%	18%	5%	1%

HOW TO INTERPRET RESPONDENTS' RESPONSES
Next, several assumptions were made about how to interpret respondents' responses. For example, that people who drink beer every or almost every day do so on average 5 times a week, and those who choose the answer “several times per season” do so 5 times in six months. Then, judging by calculations, in the warm season the average market representative drinks beer every 3-4 days, and in winter - every 5 days.

Of greatest interest to market figures are, of course, those who drink beer at least several times a week. In the warm season this figure is 43%, in the cold season - 26% of the number of beer drinkers. These consumers are especially important for producers and suppliers of domestic beer of medium and low quality, that is, usually non-pasteurized beer with short term implementation.

In the warm season, higher-quality imported varieties, as a rule, lose the market due to their high price. An example is the spring-summer situation of 1996, when suppliers of expensive imported varieties Corona, Miller, Heineken etc. had to suspend deliveries until August. (The presence of such an effect is confirmed by the data of our study: among respondents with high seasonality of beer consumption, cheap beer varieties were more often named as the most consumed varieties "Zhigulevskoe" And "Klinskoe", as well as relatively inexpensive imported beer Bavaria .)

The beer market turned out to be quite prepared for the change in consumer preferences. Many previously unknown cheap varieties appeared on it, which as a result successfully found their “place in the sun.” The experience of the past warm season also showed that in order to achieve a sufficiently high level of summer sales of a new variety, it is necessary to begin introducing it to the market in January in order to have time to demonstrate the acceptable quality of the product, its safety and the profitability of working with it, and on this basis to develop a network of distributors .

"HEAVY", "MEDIUM" AND "LIGHT" BEER CONSUMERS
What distinguishes Muscovites who drink beer at least from time to time? First of all, two thirds of them (65%), and at least half, as among all respondents, are men. In terms of age, they are distinguished by a lower (12%, not 25%, as among all respondents) proportion of people aged 60 years and older inclusive. Representatives of the beer market have no specifics regarding their occupation, with the exception, of course, of a reduced share of pensioners. Thus, the survey did not reveal any particular contrasts here. This is natural, since beer is a “democratic” product.

The situation begins to change as soon as we move on to analyzing special categories of beer consumers. First of all, let’s break down all consumers by the volume of beer they drink per year.

To identify this category of people, respondents, along with questions about the typical frequency of beer consumption, were asked about the size of a single serving. The answers from beer market representatives were as follows:
Approximately how much beer do you usually drink at one time?

Assuming that respondents in each of these three categories drink 0.3, respectively; 0.7 and 1.2 liters of beer at a time, and also by comparing these data with previously accepted assumptions about the frequency with which respondents drink beer, we obtained for each respondent an estimate (in liters) of beer consumed by him during the year. According to the scale of this indicator, three market segments were identified:

As we can see, the bulk of beer is drunk by “heavy consumers”.
Let's consider their features.

SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC FEATURES OF "HEAVY CONSUMERS"
Firstly, among the “heavy” ones, five out of every six (and not two out of every three, as in the beer market as a whole) are men. At the same time, the share of men 40 years and older was even lower here than among all beer consumers. Thus, “heavy consumers” are, as a rule, young men, and the share of 20-29 year olds is especially high here (27% versus 17% in the beer market). It is noteworthy that 16-19-year-old youth were found among “heavy consumers” of beer even a little less often than among all its consumers (6% and 4%).

An analysis of the distribution of respondents by income per family member per month leads to interesting reflections.

We see that among “heavy consumers” the shares of two income categories are noticeably increased: with average ($81-100) and low (less than $51) per capita income. (There are also slightly more high-income earners here, but this difference is statistically insignificant.) Among “heavy consumers,” the shares of public sector employees, on the one hand, and blue-collar workers, on the other, are higher than in the beer market.

BUYING FEATURES OF "HEAVY CONSUMERS"
More than three quarters of them (77%), and not about two thirds (63%), as in the beer market, named kiosks and stalls among the two most typical places for purchasing beer; wholesalers were also mentioned more often than usual (41% versus 35%). markets.

Here, compared to representatives of the market as a whole, the share of those who limit themselves to low-strength beer varieties is higher (24% versus 18% in the market). More often than in the market, here you can meet consumers of relatively expensive domestic (43% versus 28%) and expensive imported (78% versus 57%) varieties of beer.

To measure the sensitivity of respondents to price, the following question was asked:
Which of the two statements suits you better:

“I most often choose my favorite beer, no matter how much it costs.”

or

"I mostly choose decent, relatively inexpensive beer."

The opinions of the beer market representatives who responded were divided almost equally: 40% chose the first statement, 41% - the second, the remaining 19% found it difficult to answer. “Heavy consumers” are distinguished by much more definite opinions: only 12% found it difficult to answer, and the scales tipped slightly in favor of their favorite beer: the first answer option was chosen by 45% of respondents, the second by 43%.

The “innovation test” gave a more definitive result: unfortunately for companies introducing new types of beer to the market, in the overwhelming majority of cases “heavy consumers” are not “innovators” when choosing types of beer.

At the same time, one should not absolutize the revealed commitment of “heavy consumers” to their favorite varieties.

As we see, in this case, not half, as in the market, but more than two-thirds agree to change, if necessary, to their favorite variety. This shows that working with a distribution network for beer suppliers is of paramount importance. In other words, the “push” strategy has clear advantages over the “pull” strategy.

"HEAVY CONSUMERS" AND THE MEDIA
We will not dwell in detail on which media can most successfully reach representatives of the “heavy consumer” group. Let us only note that the specificity of their television viewing seems to be expressed in a certain bias towards late night programs. In their radio preferences, they are distinguished by increased ratings for the station “Europe Plus” (19% versus 14% on weekdays and 15% versus 9% on weekends), as well as an increased passion for radio games with prize draws (21% versus 14%).

WHAT IS LEFT BEYOND THE ARTICLE
We examined only some aspects of the research conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation concerning work in the beer market in general and in the segment of “heavy consumers” in particular. The narrow scope of the article does not allow us to discuss issues of finer segmentation of the market: in relation to consumers’ attitudes towards domestic and imported varieties, in terms of the degree of their commitment to their favorite varieties, in terms of the preferred color of beer, in terms of its preferred strength, in terms of consumer sensitivity to price, and in terms of the socio-demographic characteristics of drinkers. this drink. It is precisely in fine segmentation, however, that today one should look for the key to success in such a highly competitive market as the beer market.

Object research is beer alcoholism in adolescence.

Subject research is the signs and features of the mechanism of occurrence of beer alcoholism.

Purpose This study is to identify the characteristics of beer alcoholism in youth environment, its characteristics and development mechanism.

Research objectives.

• 1. Conduct theoretical analysis and summarizing the literature on the research problem.
• 2. Theoretically find out how beer affects the human body.
• 3. Identify the mechanisms of occurrence of beer alcoholism as an additive behavior in adolescence.

Beer alcoholism

Beer, along with natural grape wine, is one of the most ancient and most complex alcoholic beverages in composition.

Analyzing many publications about beer in the media and the Internet, one cannot help but notice that society seems to be divided into two camps: supporters and ardent opponents of this drink. Many articles praising healing properties beer, clearly have a biased character. It is especially unpleasant to come across this kind of article on portals with a medical bias.

Unfortunately, marketers of beer producing companies today, through advertising messages, influence young people much more strongly than the warning of the Chief Sanitary Doctor of the Russian Federation, Gennady Onishchenko: “It is not AIDS, not tuberculosis that will destroy Russia, but “beer alcoholism” among the younger generation.”

Scientists studying the problem of alcoholism quite rightly consider it unlawful to divide alcoholic products according to the degree of their harmful effects on the body, since none of them are harmless.

Contrary to this attitude, beer producers, when advertising their product, strive to increase the influx of customers by the fact that beer is not alcoholic, but a low-alcohol, supposedly harmless and almost healthy “drink.” And this despite the fact that in recent years The alcohol content of beer reaches 14% in some varieties(i.e., it corresponds in alcohol content to wines), whereas during the USSR, the strength of beer, depending on the type, ranged from 1.5-6%, and more often - from 2.8% in Zhigulevskoye to 3.5% in Moskovskoye. Not many people know that a bottle of light beer is equivalent to 50-60 grams of vodka. Four bottles during the day - 200-240 g of vodka, almost half a bottle. The situation with energy cocktails is even worse. Here, to the same amount of alcohol, caffeine is added in the amount of four cups of strong coffee per can.

Beer alcoholism- a term denoting a morbid addiction to beer (gambrinism, gambrinismus).

Beer alcoholism is a form of alcoholism.

Narcologists really don’t like the journalistic cliche “beer alcoholism.” In this case, there should be vodka, champagne, cognac, chatter, they say. A disease called alcoholism" is the same, but the drinks that patients prefer may be different.

IN lately consumption beer in Russia has increased, which leads to an increase in cases of alcoholism associated with drinking beer, especially among young people. For example, in the Komi Republic, according to media reports, the number of children found intoxicated increased by 4.5%, and among minors registered at the dispensary, 82% suffered from alcoholism due to beer. Beer is becoming an everyday drink.

Children They think that drinking beer is fashionable. A not fully formed body quickly gets used to the drink. If a teenager drinks a bottle of beer every day, he will become an alcoholic within a year. Problem teenage alcoholism is threatening. According to the latest sociological research data, 82% of young people aged 12-22 years drink alcoholic beverages.

Based on studies conducted in 1985 in paid clinics in Canada by comparing beer drinkers with consumers of other alcoholic products, it was found that the diagnosis of “palpable liver” is most often diagnosed in people who regularly drink beer.

Studies conducted in many countries indicate that chronic alcoholism develops 3-4 times faster from drinking beer than from strong alcoholic products. Although, ethyl alcohol itself is addictive, regardless of the “container” - beer, wine, vodka - who receives a fair dose of alcohol every day with beer, is psychologically protected, does not feel threatened and is not going to fight it. This will happen until a person sees himself in deep beer addiction. If he does not “improve his health” with a bottle or two of beer in the morning, his mental and physical well-being worsens, loss of strength and other symptoms appear.

The harm of beer to the human body is very extensive. Death of brain cells, which, dying, enter the blood, are filtered by the kidneys and exit with urine, dysfunction of the spinal cord, myocardial dystrophy, cirrhosis of the liver, hepatitis, pancreatitis, gastritis, neuropathy, damage to the visual and auditory analyzers. A correlation has also been proven between daily beer consumption and increased blood pressure. One of the severe complications of beer alcoholism is lactic acidosis and hyponatremia. Patients with beer alcoholism end up in hospitals in an extremely serious, neglected condition, most often with severe dementia and a decrease in personal assessment. These are the main consequences of beer alcoholism.

The most destructive and harmful consequence of excessive beer consumption is a bad heart or, as the German doctor Professor Bohlinger called it, a Bavarian heart. "beer" or "bull" heart(Figure 1.). It is expressed in the expansion of the cavities of the heart, thickening of its walls, necrosis in the heart muscle, reduction of mitochondria, etc. It is recognized that these changes are associated with the presence of cobalt in beer, which is used as a stabilizer of beer foam. The content of this toxic element in beer in the heart muscle of beer drinkers exceeds permissible norm 10 times. In addition, cobalt causes inflammatory processes in the esophagus and stomach in beer drinkers.

There are other factors that disrupt the functioning of the heart during beer alcoholism. These are, first of all, large portions of beer consumed per day by its lovers, as well as the saturation of beer with carbon dioxide. Once in the body, beer quickly fills the blood vessels. This leads to varicose veins and expansion of the borders of the heart. This is how the “beer heart” syndrome or the “nylon stocking” syndrome occurs, when the heart greatly increases in size, sags, becomes flabby and does not pump blood well.

Beer contains a number of toxic substances, including salts of heavy metals that cause changes in the endocrine system. Thus, in the body of men, with the systematic consumption of beer, a substance is released that suppresses the production of the male sex hormone testosterone. Beer contains phytoestrogens - an analogue of the female sex hormone, which leads to the gradual feminization of the male population. In men who drink beer, fat begins to be deposited according to the female type - on the hips and sides - the mammary glands grow (gynecomastia), the pelvis becomes wider, they become effeminate externally and internally. Beer weakens interest in the other sex. Fifteen to twenty years of beer experience - and impotence is guaranteed. Women who drink beer have an increased risk of developing cancer, infertility, and if they are a nursing mother, the child may experience epileptic convulsions. Also, women's voices become rougher and so-called "beer mustaches" appear.