Pn Milyukov political party. “The Russian revolution chose us! Speech P

Successor Mikhail Ivanovich Tereshchenko
Deputy of the State Duma of the III and IV convocations and the Constituent Assembly
Birth January 15 (27)
Death March 31(1943-03-31 ) (84 years old)
Burial place
  • Batignolles Cemetery
Party
  • Constitutional Democratic Party
Education Moscow University (1882) Autograph Place of work
  • University of Chicago
Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov on Wikimedia Commons

Family

Education

Miliukov's main historical work is “Essays on the History of Russian Culture.” The first issue sets out “ general concepts» about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, are defined theoretical approaches The author's analysis of historical material contains essays on the population, economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological movements.

In “Essays” he showed the large role of the state in the formation of Russian society, arguing that Russia, despite its characteristics, followed the European path of development, and also presented his arguments regarding the adaptability of the Russian “national type” to borrowed social institutions. Believing that “there are a number of basic natural evolutions of different aspects of social life,” Miliukov did not consider it possible to explain the historical process by the development of production or the “spiritual principle.” He sought to view a single history as a series of interconnected but different histories: political, military, cultural, etc.

Miliukov’s main historiographical work was the book “The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought,” which was a revised and expanded course of university lectures. The book contains an analysis of the evolution of Russian historical science XVII - first third of the XIX century.

The first thing that catches the eye of anyone who has followed P.N.’s scientific path and, in particular, his works on Russian history, is the extraordinary breadth of his scientific interests. Archaeology, ethnography, linguistics, the history of economics, social life, political institutions and political thought, the history of culture in the strict sense of the word, the history of the church, school and science, literature, art, philosophy - all this attracted the attention of Miliukov and captured his inquisitive From the researcher's point of view, he subjected all these distant series of phenomena to his analysis. And, it must be added, in all these areas he was not an accidental guest, but the host, everywhere he embraced everything that had been done by historical science before him, and stood at the height of its modern achievements.

His modest apartment looked like a second-hand bookstore. It was impossible to make a single movement there without hitting some book. The desk was littered with all sorts of special publications and documents. In this environment we spent evenings having pleasant and interesting conversations.

“Stupidity or treason?”

The desire of the left side of the Bloc to include accusations against the government in the declaration containing references to treason caused serious discussions. Rumors about the treason of the tsarist government in favor of Germany, mainly associated with Empress Alexandra Feodorovna and Rasputin, had long been circulating in Russian society, but not all members of the Duma believed in it, in addition, such public statements would put the Bloc at risk. There were also fears that such statements would negatively affect public sentiment in the country. Thus, a supporter of the Bloc, General I.V. Gurko, stated: “Letting the thought of treason increase the unrest in the country. Not a task State Duma strengthen it. Blame the government on everything - Sukhomlinov, Manasevich. But this “betrayal” will be understood differently.”. Miliukov insisted on a sharp tone: “conduct a general debate at the very first meeting, arrange it technically, go to stops and even to white lines. The red thread is our patriotism.” As V.V. Shulgin noted “In the end, the compromise solution won. The resolution still included the word “treason,” but without attributing treason to the government on the part of the Duma. It was said that the actions of the government were inappropriate, absurd, and some other things that finally led to the fact that the fatal word “treason” was circulating from mouth to mouth.”. The main demand of the opposition was the resignation of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Stürmer. As a result, Miliukov’s speech differed from the general declaration of the bloc.

Miliukov's speech was constantly interrupted by shouts from Black Hundred deputies Zamyslovsky and Markov II, who accused Miliukov of lying. Having listed the abuses and mistakes of the tsarist government, Miliukov ended his speech with the rhetorical question “What is this - stupidity or treason?”, which was a paraphrase of the words of Minister of War D.S. Shuvaev: having been accused of spying for the Germans, he answered “I, maybe , a fool, but I am not a traitor! The phrase became a catchphrase, so Miliukov simply paraphrased the famous expression.

The speech was banned by censorship, but began to be distributed in lists. They contained additions that were not in the original speech, including accusations against the empress of espionage due to her German origin. The public outcry from the speech was so great that it even led to Stürmer's resignation.

After the revolution, allegations began to appear in the right-wing press that with the help of this speech Miliukov was specially preparing the revolution, slanderously accusing the imperial family. Thus, the conservative emigrant newspaper Zarnitsy published a fake called “Miliukov’s Letter to an Unknown,” which claimed that Miliukov deliberately used lies in order to prepare for a coup d’etat, which he allegedly later regretted; in particular, the following excerpt from the letter was published:

“You know that we made a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup soon after the start of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.” Russian weekly "Zarnitsa" No. 23 (Constantinople, Sofia, 1921)

It is worth noting that this letter appeared back in 1917 and was then exposed by Miliukov himself as a fake. Among other arguments, Miliukov also expressed his own vision of his role in organizing the revolution:

Not us ( cadets) entered on this path, and this entry did not specifically depend on our consent. The revolution did not happen then and not in the way we would have liked. History has entered into it - because in Russia, as elsewhere in the world, it does not hover in place, but flows along the channel of natural development.

Falsification has become widespread in modern Russian historical mythology, from time to time it is shown in documentaries as part of the “memoirs of Miliukov”.

Minister of Foreign Affairs

Died in Aix-les-Bains, buried in the local cemetery. In 1954, after the lease for the grave expired, the ashes were transferred to Paris, to the Batignolles cemetery, where they were buried next to A. S. Milyukova.

Proceedings

  • State economy of Russia in the first quarter of the 18th century and the reforms of Peter the Great. - St. Petersburg, 1892 (second edition - St. Petersburg, 1905).
  • Decomposition of Slavophilism. Danilevsky, Leontyev. Vl. Soloviev. - M., 1893.
  • Essays on the history of Russian culture (in 3 parts). - St. Petersburg: Publication of the magazine “World of God”, 1896-1903, Anniversary edition Paris, 1930-1937; The Hague, 1964. (reprint - M., 1992-1993).
  • From the history of the Russian intelligentsia. Collection of articles and sketches. - St. Petersburg, 1902.
  • Milyukov P. N. A year of struggle. Journalistic chronicle 1905-1906. - St. Petersburg. : Type. t-va "Public Benefit", 1907. - 584 p.
  • Intelligentsia and historical tradition// Intelligentsia in Russia. - St. Petersburg, 1910
  • The main currents of Russian historical thought. - St. Petersburg, 1913
  • History of the second Russian revolution. Sofia, 1921-1924 Issue. 1-3. (Reprint - M., 2001; Minsk, 2002).
  • The national question (the origin of nationalities and the national question in Russia). Berlin, 1925.
  • Emigration at a crossroads. Paris, 1926.
  • Russia at the turning point: the Bolshevik period of the Russian revolution. Paris, 1927. T. 1-2.
  • Memoirs (1859-1917). In 2 volumes. New York, 1955 (reprint - M., 1990, 1991, 2002).
  • Living Pushkin. Paris, 1937 (reprint - M., 1997).
  • Milyukov P. N. Three attempts (to the history of Russian pseudo-constitutionalism). - Paris: Franco-Russian Print, 1921. - 82 p.
  • Essays on the history of historical science. M., 2002.

MILYUKOV, PAVEL NIKOLAEVICH(1859–1943), Russian politician, leader of the Cadet Party, historian. Born on January 15 (27), 1859 in Moscow, in the family of an inspector and teacher at the Moscow School of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture. He studied at the 1st Moscow Gymnasium, where he discovered great abilities in the field of humanities, especially in the study of languages; in 1877 he entered the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University. He studied with professors F.F. Fortunatov, V.F. Miller, M.M. Troitsky, V.I. Gerye, P.G. Vinogradov, V.O. Klyuchevsky. Communication with the latter determined the choice of profession and scientific interests related to the study of the history of the Fatherland.

From his first year at university, Miliukov became involved in the student movement, joining its moderate wing, which advocated university autonomy. In 1881, as an active participant in the movement, he was arrested and then expelled from the university (with the right of reinstatement after a year). The time missed for classes was spent in Italy, where he studied Renaissance art.

After graduating from the university, he was left at the department of Russian history, headed by V.O. Klyuchevsky, for “preparation for a professorship.” In preparation for the master's (candidate's) exam, I read special courses on historiography, historical geography, and the history of the colonization of Russia. The historiography course was later compiled into a book The main currents of Russian historical thought(1896). At the same time, he taught at the 4th Women's Gymnasium, at the Agricultural School, and at higher courses for women.

In 1892, Miliukov defended his master's thesis based on the book published in the same year State economy of Russia in the first quarter of the 18th century and the reform of Peter the Great. In the preface, the author wrote: historical science “puts on priority the study of the material side of the historical process, the study of economic and financial history, social history, and the history of institutions.” The dissertation was highly appreciated by the scientific community: the author received the S.M. Solovyov Prize for it. However, the proposal to immediately award a doctorate did not pass; V.O. Klyuchevsky protested, and this cooled the relationship between student and teacher for many years.

Gradually Miliukov began to pay more and more attention educational activities. He was elected chairman of the Commission for the Organization of Home Reading, collaborated on the Moscow Literacy Committee, and repeatedly traveled to the provinces to give lectures. In 1894, for a series of lectures given in Nizhny Novgorod, which contained “hints on the general aspirations of freedom and condemnation of the autocracy,” Miliukov was arrested, expelled from Moscow University and exiled to Ryazan.

The years spent in exile were filled with scientific work. In Ryazan, Miliukov began his most significant research - Essays on the history of Russian culture(first published in the magazine, in 1896–1903 they were published as a separate publication in three issues). The first issue sets out “general concepts” about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, and defines the author’s theoretical approaches to the analysis of historical material; here are essays on the population, economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological movements.

While in exile, Miliukov received an invitation from the Sofia Higher School in Bulgaria to head the department of general history. The authorities allowed the trip. The scientist stayed in Bulgaria for two years, gave lectures, studied Bulgarian and Turkish (in total, Miliukov knew 18 foreign languages). Deliberately ignoring the ceremonial reception at the Russian embassy in Sofia on the occasion of the name day of Nicholas II caused irritation in St. Petersburg. The Bulgarian government was demanded to fire Miliukov. The “unemployed” scientist moved to Turkey, where he took part in an expedition of the Constantinople Archaeological Institute in excavations in Macedonia.

Upon returning to St. Petersburg for participating in a meeting dedicated to the memory of P.L. Lavrov, the scientist was again arrested and spent six months in prison. He lived in the vicinity of St. Petersburg, since he was prohibited from living in the capital. During this period, Miliukov became close to the liberal zemstvo environment. Became one of the founders of the magazine "Liberation" and political organization Russian liberals "Union of Liberation". In 1902–1904 he repeatedly traveled to England, then to the USA, where he lectured at the University of Chicago and Harvard, and at the Lowell Institute in Boston. The course taught was compiled into a book Russia and its crisis(1905).

The scientist met the first Russian revolution abroad. In April 1905 he returned to Russia and immediately became involved in the political struggle. In mid-October, Miliukov headed the constitutional democratic (cadet) party created by Russian liberals. The party program proclaimed the need to transform Russia into a constitutional monarchy, popular representation with legislative rights, the abolition of class privileges, and the establishment of democratic freedoms. The national part of the program, defending the idea of ​​the unity of the Russian Empire, at the same time included the right to free cultural self-determination, the Kingdom of Poland was recognized for the introduction of an autonomous structure with a Sejm, and for Finland - the restoration of the previous constitution.

Although Miliukov was not elected to the State Duma of the first two convocations, he was the de facto leader of a large faction of cadets. After being elected to the Duma of the third and fourth convocations, he became the official leader of the faction. In the Duma he showed himself, on the one hand, as a champion of political compromises with the authorities, and on the other, as a supporter of the bourgeois-democratic development of Russia. Miliukov’s Duma speech “Stupidity or Treason?” directed against Grigory Rasputin and other “dark forces” at the throne became widely known.

After the February Revolution, Miliukov joined the Provisional Committee of Members of the State Duma, and then on March 2, 1917, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, he joined the Provisional Government headed by Prince G.E. Lvov. The foreign policy course of the cadet leader was aimed at unity with the Entente allies and war with Germany, regardless of any sacrifices ( youngest son The minister himself volunteered to go to the front and died), to the bitter end. The growth of anti-war sentiment in the country forced Miliukov to resign during the April crisis. He continued his political activities as chairman of the Central Committee of the Kadet Party. Participated in the Meeting of the five largest parties (Kadets, Radical Democratic, Trudoviks, Social Democrats, Socialist Revolutionaries), the Provisional Committee of the State Duma and the executive committees of the Council of Workers and Soldiers and the Council of Peasants' Deputies, where he stated that “The Soviets must leave the political arena if they cannot do state business.” He supported, together with other leaders of the Cadet Party, the rebellion of General L.G. Kornilov.

Miliukov perceived the October Revolution with hostility. All his efforts were aimed at creating a united front in the fight against Soviet Russia. In the name of defeating the Bolsheviks, the leader of the Cadets in the spring of 1918 did not even disdain to enter into an alliance with yesterday’s opponents - the Germans. He became an active participant in all major anti-Bolshevik enterprises: the creation of the Volunteer Army (the program declaration of the army belonged to his pen), foreign military intervention, etc. An important part of Miliukov’s political activity was the writing History of the second Russian revolution(1918–1921).

In the fall of 1918, Miliukov left Russia, traveling first to Romania, then to France and England. From 1921 he lived in Paris. His main task was the development of “new tactics” in the fight against the Bolsheviks. Uniting the “left” sector of emigration in opposition to supporters of the armed struggle against Soviet power, Miliukov recognized the individual gains of this power (republic, federation of individual parts of the state, liquidation of landownership), and counted on its degeneration within the framework of a new economic policy and subsequent collapse.

In France, Miliukov became editor of the newspaper " Latest news”, which united around itself the best literary and journalistic forces of the Russian diaspora. He was the founder and chairman of the Society of Russian Writers and Journalists, the Club of Russian Writers and Scientists, the Committee for Famine Relief in Russia (1921), and one of the organizers of the Russian People's University. Gave lectures at the Sorbonne and the College social sciences, at the Franco-Russian Institute. Then Miliukov returned to scientific work: published a two-volume work Russia at a turning point(1927) about the events of the Civil War, prepared an expanded and revised edition for publication Essays on the history of Russian culture(published in 1930–1937), etc.

After the attack of Nazi Germany on the USSR, Miliukov closely monitored the retreat of the Soviet army. In my last article The truth about Bolshevism(1942–1943), probably written after receiving news of the defeat of the Germans at Stalingrad, he openly declared solidarity with the Russian people fighting the invaders.

Miliukov died in Montpellier (France) on March 31, 1943. After the end of the war, his ashes were reburied in the Batignolles cemetery in Paris.

As treasurer of the military economy, and then authorized by the Moscow sanitary detachment.

He graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of Moscow University (; expelled for participating in a student meeting in 1881, reinstated the following year). At the university he was a student of V. O. Klyuchevsky and P. G. Vinogradov. During his student years, after the death of his father, in order to provide for his family, he gave private lessons. He was left at the university to prepare for a professorship.

Miliukov's main historical work is “Essays on the History of Russian Culture.” The first issue sets out “general concepts” about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, defines the author’s theoretical approaches to the analysis of historical material, and contains essays on the population, economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological movements.

In “Essays” he showed the large role of the state in the formation of Russian society, arguing that Russia, despite its characteristics, followed the European path of development, and also presented his arguments regarding the adaptability of the Russian “national type” to borrowed social institutions. Believing that “there are a number of basic natural evolutions of different aspects of social life,” Miliukov did not consider it possible to explain the historical process by the development of production or the “spiritual principle.” He sought to view a single history as a series of interconnected but different histories: political, military, cultural, etc.

Miliukov’s main historiographical work was the book “The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought,” which was a revised and expanded course of university lectures. The book contains an analysis of the evolution of Russian historical science from the 17th century to the first third of the 19th century.

The first thing that catches the eye of anyone who has followed P.N.’s scientific path and, in particular, his works on Russian history, is the extraordinary breadth of his scientific interests. Archaeology, ethnography, linguistics, the history of economics, social life, political institutions and political thought, the history of culture in the strict sense of the word, the history of the church, school and science, literature, art, philosophy - all this attracted the attention of Miliukov and captured his inquisitive From the researcher's point of view, he subjected all these distant series of phenomena to his analysis. And, it must be added, in all these areas he was not an accidental guest, but the host, everywhere he embraced everything that had been done by historical science before him, and stood at the height of its modern achievements.

P.N. Miliukov: Collection of materials in honor of his seventieth birthday. 1859-1929. Paris. P.39-40.

Stupidity or treason?

Pavel Milyukov:“I named these people for you - Manasevich-Manuilov, Rasputin, Pitirim, Sturmer. This is the court party whose victory, according to the Neue Freie Presse, was the appointment of Stürmer: “The victory of the court party, which is grouped around the young Queen.”

At a meeting of the State Duma, Miliukov was called a slanderer.

Pavel Milyukov:“I am not sensitive to the expressions of Mr. Zamyslovsky” (voices from the left: “Bravo, bravo”).

Later, allegations appeared in the conservative emigre press that Miliukov deliberately used slander in order to prepare for a coup d'etat, which he later regretted; in particular, the following, possibly falsified, excerpt from the letter was published:

Pavel Milyukov (from a letter to an unknown person. Possibly apocryphal):“You know that we made a firm decision to use the war to carry out a coup soon after the start of this war. Note also that we could not wait any longer, because we knew that at the end of April or the beginning of May our army had to go on the offensive, the results of which would immediately completely stop all hints of discontent and would cause an explosion of patriotism and jubilation in the country.”

Minister of Foreign Affairs

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He was actively involved in political activities. He was born at the beginning of 1859. His father is a famous architect, a nobleman.

Pavel received his education at the first Moscow gymnasium. During the next one (1877-1878), Miliukov worked as a treasurer in the troops in Transcaucasia.

After the end of the war, he entered Moscow University. In 1882 he graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology. Subsequently, Miliukov became a master of Russian history.

The topic of his master's thesis is the study and assessment of activities on the Russian throne. Pavel Miliukov was the first to argue that Pyotr Alekseevich did not have a clear plan of action, his reforms took place spontaneously.

The most important thing is scientific work on the History of Russia, the work “Essays on the History of Russian Culture” is considered. In his works, Pavel Nikolaevich discussed the role of the state in the development of Russian society, and the historical paths of the country's development.

In 1886, Miliukov became a private assistant professor at Moscow University. After working in this position for almost 10 years, he was fired and exiled to Ryazan for his political views. A year later, he was invited to work abroad - in Sofia, to give lectures on Russian history, he agreed.

In 1899, Pavel Nikolaevich returned to. In two years he will be in prison, for revolutionary activity. In 1903 he went to the USA, where he lectured at universities for two years. In 1905 in Russian Empire The First Revolution has begun, Miliukov returns to his homeland.

In October 1905, together with a group of comrades, he organized the “Cadets” party - the Constitutional Democratic Party. Miliukov was the undisputed leader of the new party; in its ranks he had the greatest respect among his comrades. He actively participated in the development of the program of the “cadet” party and believed that there should be a limited monarchy in the Russian Empire.

The power of the monarch, in Miliukov’s understanding, was limited by the constitution and the presence of the State Duma. In the period from 1907 to 1917, Pavel Nikolaevich was a member of the State Duma. He was very concerned with foreign policy issues. Pavel has repeatedly expressed his opinion about foreign policy from the rostrum of the State Duma.

At the beginning of 1917, in the Russian Empire there was February revolution. The emperor was forced to abdicate the Russian throne. All power passed into the hands of the Provisional Government. Miliukov remained a supporter of the Constitutional monarchy, but he had few supporters.

As part of the Provisional Government, he took the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. At his post, Pavel Nikolaevich spoke out for the fulfillment of all Russia’s obligations to its Entente allies. Soon a crisis of power arose. The composition of the cabinet of ministers of the Provisional Government has changed. In the new team, Miliukov was given the position of Minister of Public Education. The new position seemed small, and he voluntarily left the government.

Pavel Nikolaevich supported the Kornilov speech. After his failure, he was forced to flee to Crimea. He assessed the coming of the Bolshevik Party to power very negatively. Miliukov even went to the Don, where he helped the Volunteer Army.

At the end of 1918, Pavel Nikolaevich went into exile, where he tried to persuade Western countries to support the white armies in the fight against Bolshevism. In exile, he later engaged in scientific and journalistic activities. Pavel Milyukov died in March 1943.

Pavel Nikolaevich Milyukov(1859–1943) was born in Moscow into a noble family and received an excellent education. As a student at Moscow University, he was especially interested in the peasant question during the times from Catherine II to Nicholas I and the liberation of the peasants under Alexander II.
In 1886, Miliukov began writing his master's thesis on the topic: “State economy in Russia in the first quarter of the 18th century and the reforms of Peter the Great.” Miliukov's main idea was the thesis that the Europeanization of Russia was not a product of borrowing, but an inevitable result of internal evolution, the same in Russia and Europe, but late in Russia due to historical conditions. At the same time, Peter’s personality was relegated to the background. Huge archival material allowed P. N. Milyukov to reveal the connection between Peter’s reforms in the field of government with taxation and financial system, with the activities of administrative bodies. But, speaking against the extreme assessments of Peter I, P. N. Milyukov reduced the significance of Peter’s activities to the role of a recorder of events, devoid of conscious and expedient aspirations.

Miliukov’s main historical work is “Essays on the History of Russian Culture” (1896–1903). The first issue sets out “general concepts” about history, its tasks and methods of scientific knowledge, defines the author’s theoretical approaches to the analysis of historical material, and contains essays on the population, economic, state and social system. The second and third issues examine the culture of Russia - the role of the church, faith, school, and various ideological movements. The “Essays” show the great role of the state in the formation of Russian society. Miliukov argued that Russia, despite its peculiarities, followed the European path of development. He also presented his arguments regarding the adaptability of the Russian “national type” to borrowed social institutions.

Believing that “there are a number of basic natural evolutions of different aspects of social life,” Miliukov did not consider it possible to explain the historical process by the development of production or the “spiritual principle.” He sought to view a single history as a series of interconnected but different histories: political, military, cultural, etc.

Miliukov’s main historiographical work was the book “The Main Currents of Russian Historical Thought,” which was a revised and expanded course of university lectures. The book contains an analysis of the evolution of Russian historical science from the 17th century to the first third of the 19th century.

Miliukov’s historiographical concept is characterized by the desire to connect the past and present of historical science. Using broad historiographical material, Miliukov examines the problem of historical patterns. Thus, comparing the tasks of historians of the 18th century. with the tasks of contemporary historiography, Miliukov writes that their ultimate goal is a story, for a historian of the 19th century. - sociological law. Miliukov's works are imbued with the pathos of searching for historical patterns. He persistently pursues the idea that it is insufficient to confuse regularity as a phenomenon of a higher order with simple expediency. In relation to specific phenomena, Miliukov speaks of the presence of internal patterns of spiritual development of Russian society. His historical works characterize the process of development of Russian historical thought as natural. He considered the construction of the scheme to be erroneous historical development according to the stages of human progress, since these stages - ancient, middle and modern - every nation passes through different times. He denied the Hegelian principles of knowledge - thesis, antithesis and synthesis, their qualitative transformations.


Miliukov's attitude towards Marxism was complex. Recognizing the role of the economic factor, Miliukov did not accept the socio-political side of Marxism or its political conclusions. He also accused the Marxists of replacing the messianism of the old populism with another messianic program: the triumph of the peasant community with the world triumph of the proletariat. Recognition of the correspondence of economic and social processes to the nature of the whole public life V different countries should be considered an important methodological basis for Miliukov’s historical concept. However, his underestimation of organic development in Russia caused the absolutization of Russia's backwardness, which also determined the absolutization in the action of the state.

Since the beginning of the first Russian revolution, he plunges into political life and moves away from science. Participates in the activities of the Cadets Party. He was a deputy of all four State Dumas and a member of the Provisional Government. Miliukov's life was divided between politics and science. After October Revolution 1917 and civil war lived in Paris. In 1932–33 here, on his initiative, it was published on French the three-volume “History of Russia” is an authoritative collective work in which Miliukov himself took part.

Miliukov's main achievements were in the scientific field. His early work on Peter’s reform and “Controversial Issues financial history Moscow State" have not yet lost their significance. His “Essays on the History of Russian Culture” to this day are for a wide circle of readers a valuable introduction to the history of Russian thought and public opinion.



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