The most famous terrorists. Chechen conflict and terrorism: “Chechen field commanders killed at gunpoint”
Conditionally liquidated
Of those field commanders who are still alive and at large, two are the most famous - Basayev and Umarov. They are the ones who still manage to “resurrect” after reports of their destruction. Information about the death of the same Doku Umarov has repeatedly appeared in the Russian media. The OGV headquarters reported its destruction for the first time in 2000. Then it was stated that the commander of the south-eastern front, “Brigadier General” Doku Umarov, and 15 militants from his inner circle were ambushed by federal troops near the settlement of Galaity in the Nozhai-Yurt region and were killed. But after some time, Umarov appeared again. And he still appears on the air of the aforementioned Radio Liberty. Another most odious terrorist, around whose name conflicting information “alive or destroyed” constantly circulates, is Shamil Basayev. Despite reports of his own death, Basayev demonstrated to everyone that he was alive by giving an interview to Radio Liberty correspondent Andrei Babitsky in August. A television interview with the person who claimed responsibility for the tragic seizure of a school in Beslan, during which 330 people died (186 of them children), was shown by the American ABC channel. After which the television company was deprived of accreditation by both the Russian Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Defense.Chronicle of purges
The list of actually destroyed Chechen field commanders contains more than a hundred names. "YUR" offers its list of the most famous of them. "Generals" of Salman Raduev's army Hunkarpasha Israpilov(call signs “Smerch”) and Aslambek Ismailov. Destroyed during the battle for Grozny in 2000. “Smerch” was supposed to lead the militants’ campaign against the Dagestan city of Kizlyar, but was wounded. Performed the operation Salman Raduev, who captured the city along with a detachment of 500 militants. Informants from the militant camp repeatedly reported to the group’s headquarters about the planned attack. In addition, two days before the attack, all Chechen refugees left Kizlyar, but the “federals” were still taken by surprise. Almost two battalions of militants passed through checkpoints freely. The Raduevites seized the maternity hospital and the hospital, driving about a thousand hostages there. Raduev later he was captured, tried, received a life sentence in Solikamsk colony No. 14 with the romantic name “White Swan” and died in December 2002 from “vascular inflammation of unknown origin” in the second therapeutic department of the Solikamsk city hospital (Perm region). Dear nephew of Dzhokhar Dudayev - Treat Dudayev. Killed in the battle for Dzhokhar-Galy (Ichkerian self-name of Grozny) in February 2000. For 2.5 months, with a detachment of militants, he fought for the city with federal forces. Headed the department for the protection of high-ranking officials. After Dzhokhar Dudayev was elected president, he was his personal bodyguard, then the mayor of Grozny. Abu Movsaev- Head of counterintelligence of Ichkeria. Killed in May 2000 in the Argun Gorge area. Abusukyan ( full name) Movsaev is a former employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Kalmykia, then the head of the criminal investigation department of the Shalinsky district of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. After the attack on Budennovsk (Movsaev is considered one of the organizers of the action), he became a brigadier general, and then first deputy minister of Sharia security. The hunt for Movsaev was carried out by special groups created by the GRU of the General Staff and the FSB of Russia. Abu Movsaev enjoyed Basayev's unlimited trust. He was personally responsible for organizing and covering all of Shamil Basayev’s contacts with major officials and businessmen. Liquidation Information Isa Istamirova appeared twice. The first time was in January 2000, after the battle on the southwestern outskirts of Grozny. Istamirov was finally liquidated in May, in the south of Chechnya, near the village of Serzhen-Yurt. He served as Deputy Prime Minister of the Chechen government. With the outbreak of hostilities, he was appointed deputy to Ruslan Gelayev, commander of the southwestern front of the militants. At the beginning of October 2000, near the village of Sharoy-Argun, he was killed Baudi Bakuev. The cousin of the “Vice President of Ichkeria” was ambushed during a planned purge. The “General” fired back from a personalized “Stechkin” encrusted with diamonds and gold, and was killed by a sniper. He specialized in the slave trade. His fighters held dozens of hostages, including Russian presidential spokesman Valentin Vlasov and General Gennady Shpigun. According to some reports, Bakuev received about $5 million for the release of Valentin Vlasov. General Shpigun (they asked for $12 million for him) could not be released; he died in captivity. One of the most brutal field commanders, a “lawless man” Arbi Barayeva(nicknames: “Emir Tarzan”, “Terminator”, “Lion of Allah”) were “killed” twice. According to the first report, he was ambushed and allegedly killed near Urus-Martan in January 2000. According to other statements, he died in June of the same year during the battle near Serzhen-Yurt. The third time turned out to be final - on June 24, 2001, during a special operation in the village of Ermolovka, where he was once born, Arbi Barayev was liquidated. In 1996, Baraev himself awarded himself the rank of “brigadier general”; he called his group “Islamic Special Purpose Regiment.” After the truce in Khasavyurt, Baraev declares Urus-Martanovsky and part of the Grozny rural region of Chechnya a territory with special laws. Even Aslan Maskhadov himself does not risk appearing there. IN different times From 400 to 1000 militants obeyed him. Arby's nephew - Movsar Baraev was killed in 2002, in October, during the storming of the Dubrovka Theater Center seized by terrorists. Barayev's "right hand" - Magomed Tsagaraev killed in the summer of 2001. He was shot by the 15-year-old son of a Chechen police officer. Three militants led by Tsagaraev came to the courtyard of the house of the head of the Oktyabrsky district police department of Chechnya and shot the people there at point-blank range. The teenager, hearing the shots, took his father’s machine gun and opened fire on the militants. The boy later died in a Grozny hospital from his injuries. Ruslan Gelayev- Minister of Defense of Ichkeria, in February 2004, destroyed in the mountains of Dagestan. Officially, Gelayev’s death was recorded in the Makhachkala territorial department of the North Caucasus regional department of the FSB border service. Gelayev was identified by “special marks” by militants captured earlier in the Tsuntinsky region of Dagestan. Later, a genetic examination of the body confirmed that the killed militant was indeed Ruslan Gelayev. During the first Chechen campaign he was responsible for fighting in Grozny, in the central and western directions. Since the summer of 1995, he headed the so-called southwestern front. In 1997, he received the post of Deputy Prime Minister of Ichkeria. A year later, under the patronage of Shamil Basayev, he became Minister of Defense. On March 8 this year, he was killed during a bunker explosion in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt. Aslan Maskhadov- President of the “Republic of Ichkeria”. His posthumous photographs circulated in all publications. To avoid further “resurrection,” a medical examination of the body was carried out. The Russian FSB paid the promised $10 million to citizens who provided the intelligence services with information that helped establish Maskhadov’s whereabouts. The Prosecutor General's Office conducted 7 identifications of Maskhadov's corpse, including four with the participation of his relatives. The place and time of burial of the body is not disclosed. Maskhadov made a career surrounded by President Dzhokhar Dudayev. In March 1994, he headed the Main Headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Republic. On January 27, 1997, he was elected president of Chechnya. With the start of the counter-terrorism operation in August 1999, Aslan Maskhadov, with whom the federal center broke off relations, went underground. In March, after the liquidation of Maskhadov, he was killed in Chechnya Vakha Arsanov- Vice-President of the so-called Ichkeria. Arsanov is one of those who have already been “killed” - in 2000, General Viktor Kazantsev announced his death.On the Arab side
According to intelligence services, since the beginning of the counter-terrorism operation in September 1999, up to a thousand foreign mercenaries who fought on the side of Chechen militants have been destroyed on Russian territory. Including almost the entire entourage of Khattab, including about 20 field commanders commanded by Khattab and Abu Al Walid. Number one on the list of killed international terrorists operating in the territory North Caucasus, is listed as emir Khattab. In March 2002, the FSB officially confirmed the fact of his death. Reports of the injuries and possible death of this odious terrorist appeared in various media repeatedly. However, in all previous cases, the Russian competent authorities did not confirm this data. This time, video and photographic evidence of Khattab's death were presented to the general public. The official website of the FSB contains photographs of the burial with the body of the killed militant. Since the outbreak of the Chechen war in 1999, Khattab, a Jordanian by origin, has been high on Moscow's list of warlords wanted. The United States believes Khattab may have ties to Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. Khattab took part in hostilities in various regions of the world for 17 years, in particular in Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf countries. He worked as an instructor in Afghan Mujahideen camps in Pakistan. He organized similar training centers for terrorists in Chechnya. Khattab recorded his abuse of Russian servicemen in Chechnya, whose ears and noses he cut off and whose scalps were taken, on video and film. Second President of the self-proclaimed Republic of Ichkeria Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, who had lived in Qatar since 2000, died in foreign countries, as is believed throughout the world, at the hands of Russian special services. He was blown up in his car in February 2004. The name of Dudayevsky’s “deputy for ideology” Yandarbiev was associated with Nord-Ost. In April 2004 he was killed and Abu Al Waleed- former commander of the special forces of Saudi Arabia, who was involved in the bombings of residential buildings in Moscow in 1999 and a military hospital in Mozdok in the summer of 2003. In July of the same 2004, in the Ingush city of Malgobek, Abu Qutaib Jammal- organizer and leader of gangs operating in Chechnya, Ingushetia, Dagestan and Kabardino-Balkaria. In Ingushetia, in February 2005, a native of Kuwait was killed during a special operation Abu Zeit- also known as “little Omar”, representative of Al-Qaeda in Ingushetia and Chechnya, one of the organizers of the seizure of a school in the city of Beslan. In addition, several hundred more foreign mercenaries fled to Georgia and Azerbaijan after the end of active hostilities. Now the bulk of field commanders who are wanted are the leaders of gang groups of 10 to 15 people. The hunt for them continues... P.S. There is another significant factor that significantly reduced the population of field commanders - their massive transition in 2000-2002 to the side of the federal forces. The most significant part of the militants who went over to the side of the federals were the so-called “Kadyrovites.” Former mufti Akhmad Kadyrov later took over as president of Chechnya. Several well-known field commanders, led by the Yamadayev brothers Khalid and Sulim, as well as Salman Abuev, joined the federal troops. There were about 5 thousand people under their command. Sulim Yamadayev headed the special battalion "Vostok", Abuev became the chief of police of the Kurchaloevsky district of Chechnya (shot dead by militants). The Russian troops were also supported by field commander Turpal-Ali Atgeriyev (in Maskhadov’s government he served as Minister of State Security). The former prosecutor of Ichkeria Vakha Murtazaliev, who also worked in the government of Aslan Maskhadov, also joined him.5940
Tomorrow they will be destroyed!
The death of the “great and terrible” militant Said Buryatsky remained almost unnoticed by society. The leaders of the Caucasian separatists have ceased to be recognizable media figures. “Stars” like Shamil Basayev and Aslan Maskhadov have sunk into oblivion; now the Islamist underground is led by little-known characters with exotic names who do not evoke any emotions in the average person. They have practically disappeared from television screens and newspaper pages, but the trouble is! – they did not even think of disappearing from reality. As before, they influence the political and social life North Caucasus republics, Islamic religious figures and organizations take them into account, and local residents treat them rather with respect. Who are they, the successors of Dudayev, Yandarbiev and Khattab, and what are they famous for – the correspondent of “Our Version” tried to find an answer to these questions.
It must be said that the odious separatist leaders disappeared from television programs for a reason. The same Shamil Basayev acquired his romantic flair as an anti-hero to a large extent thanks to the media. “The press, perhaps unwittingly, largely legitimized the Chechen militants and made them into minus heroes,” says Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Vladimir Zhirinovsky. – Frequent mentions in the press seemed to give reason to consider this or that field commander almost a politician, engaged not in murders, but in some kind of social activities. And a number of Western organizations still continue to follow this speculation, substitution of concepts, classifying bandits as statesmen and demanding that we treat them with the same attitude, which, you see, is strange.” After the operation on Dubrovka in 2002, State Duma deputies adopted a number of legislative measures that were designed to change the situation: the faces of separatist leaders were removed from the television “picture” once and for all, depriving them of recognition and, as a result, public weight. And this measure turned out to be no less effective than the law according to which the bodies of terrorists were prohibited from being handed over to relatives. From now on, no one had the right to find out what happened to them, where they were buried, and whether they were buried at all, and from now on no one could identify this or that separatist in the bearded man on the television screen.
The recent liquidation of one of the ideologists of the North Caucasian armed underground, the amir of the Ossetian jamaat Said abu Saad - Said Buryatsky, or, if you like, Alexander Tikhomirov, revealed one curious detail: among those who took the bayat (Islamic oath of allegiance) there are many, let’s say, non-indigenous Caucasians. Said abu Saad was Buryat on his father’s side and Russian on his mother’s side, and spent his youth in a Buddhist datsan. Moreover, he lived two-thirds of his life in Ulan-Ude, thousands of kilometers from the Caucasus and its problems. It would seem, where did the guy get his Spanish sadness? Chairman of the Islamic Committee of Russia Heydar Dzhemal considers Tikhomirov “a symbol of a new generation in the epic of the Caucasian struggle”: “We have seen preachers belonging to various ethnic groups. We saw Avars, Laks, Karachais, Circassians, Arabs... But all these people were either representatives of the Caucasian area, or at least of one or another traditionally Muslim people. In this case, for the first time, a person of Eurasian origin, in whose veins Russian and Buryat blood flows, acts as an ideologist, as an authoritative representative.” However, similar phenomena have happened before. Let's say, a few years ago, the leader of the Caucasian separatists, Doku Umarov, appointed Emir Assadullah, known in the world as Mikhail Zakharov, as “commander of the Ural Front” - it turns out there is such a thing now.
The biography of Said Buryatsky is alarming with an unexpected and incomprehensible turn: the young man, who received a Buddhist religious education, suddenly breaks with Buddhism and from the Ulan-Ud datsan moves straight to the Moscow Rasul Akram madrasah, considered Shiite, and then to a more radical Sunni madrasah located near Orenburg. Was the change in the young man’s worldview so sudden? “There are many emissaries of the North Caucasian armed underground operating in the national republics today,” a representative of the FSB of the Russian Federation, whose competence includes the fight against regional separatism, told a Nasha Versiya correspondent on condition of anonymity. – In Buryatia, for example, there are now at least two hundred such active recruiters. They cleverly manipulate the national identity of the Buryats, convincing them that their worst enemy is Russia. Then there are stories about brave martyrs and evil kafirs-enslavers, religious “reforging” is involved, and the result is obvious: about 1.5–2 thousand Buryats go abroad every year to study. This is a lot. A similar “reforging” is being carried out among the Buddhists of Kalmykia, but the number of recruits there so far is not in the thousands, but in the hundreds. Bye". The main danger of the aggressive “reforging” of infidels into Muslims carried out by separatist emissaries lies in the fact that one or another “scribe” can become a martyr literally in a matter of days. Today he is a quiet and inconspicuous convert with the Koran in his hand, and tomorrow he is a martyr with a machine gun. This was the case with Said Buryatsky: two years ago, the famous Arab field commander Muhannad, better known as the international terrorist Abu Anas, approached him, then still an aspiring theologian. Like, it’s time to serve the Prophet with arms in hand.
And Said Buryatsky obediently took up arms.
More than anything else, Said Buryatsky was afraid of being beheaded. Almost all of his articles - and he wrote a lot of them - in one way or another touch on the topic of beheading a suicide bomber and the desecration of his body in the form of subsequent wrapping in pork skin. The fact is that militants consider such a death extremely undesirable, even despite the fact that a similar sad fate befell the grandson of the Prophet himself, the Islamic martyr Hussein ibn Ali. “Dead martyrs were beheaded and wrapped in pigskins both before and after Nord-Ost,” Said wrote two months before his death. “The French also did this in occupied Algeria, hoping in this way to stop the jihad. But the infidels (Russians - Ed.) will not be able to stop the jihad, even if they take off their skins when the cloven-hoofed pigs run out."
In general, this is how Said felt: after the operation in the Nazran region of Ingushetia, first the headless corpse of a terrorist was “found”, and only then his head was found separately. Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov predicted “the same fate” for the head of the terrorist underground in the Caucasus, Doku Umarov.
Let's try to figure out what the Caucasian separatist underground is these days and who its leaders are. Contrary to popular belief that some disparate groups are operating in the Caucasus, the militants are even better organized than 10 years ago. From the point of view of the separatists, today a new Islamic Sharia state is being formed in the Caucasus - the Caucasus Emirate*****, or the Caucasian Emirate, which includes Dagestan, Chechnya, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria and Karachay-Cherkessia. Coincidentally or not, the territory of the Emirate includes almost entirely the recently created North Caucasus federal district. In February of this year, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, at the request of the Prosecutor General's Office, banned the activities of the Caucasus Emirate in Russia as a terrorist organization, but not a word was said about the fact that this is not an organization at all, but an emerging state. Either they got mixed up on purpose, or they got confused themselves. Be that as it may, on February 25, the decision of the Supreme Court entered into legal force, and now Caucasian armed separatists will be caught and destroyed precisely as representatives of the Caucasus Emirate. Either a banned organization, or an unrecognized semi-virtual state.
“There is some danger in the fact that the newly formed North Caucasus Federal District somehow suspiciously fits into the territory of the self-proclaimed Caucasus Emirate,” reflects Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Vladimir Zhirinovsky. – Although, on the other hand, there is an opportunity to more purposefully fight extremism and separatism there. Still, it will be easier to manage now than in the previous framework of the Southern Federal District.”
Two years ago, the self-proclaimed president of the self-proclaimed Ichkeria, Doku Umarov, resigned from his duties as “president” and declared himself the amir - commander-in-chief of the Mujahideen of the Caucasus***. He renamed and national republics, at the same time lowering their status to the level of counties - vilayats. There are five of them: Dagestan, Nokhchiycho, Galgayche, Nogai steppe and Kabarda-Balkaria-Karachay. The heads of the wilayats - waliyas - were the leaders of autonomous ethnic combat terrorist associations - jamaats. Then a certain mathematical insanity begins, which can only be comprehended by enlightened characters, like Doc Umarov, because there are five wilayats, and eight jamaats (Jamaat Shariat or Derbent jamaat, Galgayche, Kataib al-Houl or Ossetian jamaat, Kabardino-Balkarian jamaat, Nogai battalion , Karachay jamaat and Adygei and Krasnodar sectors). But that’s not all: five wilayats had as many as 11 valiyat leaders. We stocked up for future use, or what? Apparently, having figured out some simple arithmetic operations, six months ago Doku Umarov divided the leadership of jamaats and vilayats - now two seats are even left vacant. And in order not to get confused at all in the hierarchical intricacies, the “Majlis al-Shura” was formed - an advisory body consisting of the heads of wilayats and jamaats.
On topic
A resident of Great Britain, who fought in the American army in his youth, has been experiencing difficulties interacting with various services for several years because of his first and last name. As it turned out, a Chechen militant had previously used a similar pseudonym.
We have roughly figured out the state within the state and its structure, now let’s take on the leaders. Who are these little-known heirs to the anti-heroes of the 90s?
Today there are 11 amirs in the North Caucasus - a kind of football team. The most odious of them are Doku Umarov, Supyan Abdullaev, Anzor Astemirov (Seifullah) and Akhmed Evloev (Magas). Doku Umarov is the most famous and, perhaps, the most bloodthirsty. Law enforcement agencies have recorded about 100 (!) murders in which Umarov was directly involved. He shot, cut off the heads, and even strangled the victims. The militants who know him personally note not only the pathological cruelty of their leader, but also a special penchant for sadism. Those whom he killed with my own hands, mostly died slowly. Umarov is matched by his closest associate Magas, the ethnic Ingush Akhmed Yevloev. He is one of the few who went through both the first and second Chechen campaigns. Magas is a kind of money bag of the Caucasian resistance. Directly subordinate to him is the emissary of Al-Qaeda** Muhannad (also part of the 11 amirs), a very rich man whose family manages hundreds of millions of dollars. When one of the militant leadership has financial difficulties, they turn directly to Magas. It is also known that Magas is followed everywhere by two orderlies: one is considered a personal bodyguard, and the other... a porter. In the hands of the porter there are always two bags that look like shopping bags. Each contains $500 thousand in cash. The load is heavy, but the porter is also a former heavyweight weightlifter. The most incredible rumors are circulating about Magas’s personal condition, but everyday life he is ascetic, spends practically no money, and has a weakness only for expensive weapons.
Magas is one of the most efficient militants; money helps him quickly move throughout the North Caucasus and even appear in Moscow. Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov has repeatedly stated that “after the destruction of Umarov and Yevloyev, there will be no known field commanders left among the militants” - so great is Yevloyev’s influence.
If Doku Umarov and Akhmed Yevloev are famous for their cruelty and personal participation in the executions of infidels, then the third “whale” of the separatists, Supyan Abdullaev, is their direct opposite. He did not dirty his hands with executions of infidels, although he had a chance to shoot a lot. Supyan is not only an emir, he is also one of the main ideologists of Wahhabism, revered in Saudi Arabia no less than the local sheikhs. Today, Supyan is considered something of an elder among the separatists. Back in Soviet times, he organized the Islamic Renaissance Party in Chechnya, and since 1991 he took an active part in anti-state actions, heading the Ar-Risal Islamic Center in Grozny before the first war.
On November 26, 1994, Supyan participated in the very first large-scale attack on Russian military units, and in August 1996 he stormed Grozny. Then he served in the rank of Deputy Minister of the MSGB (Ministry of Sharia State Security). Supyan is considered to be Umarov’s successor if he is killed, this information was first announced last year by Akhmed Zakaev. From specific features Supyan is known for his non-traditional sexual orientation.
The fourth leader of Islamic extremists is Anzor Astemirov, nicknamed Seifullah (Sword of Allah). He is one of those who organized the militant attack on Nalchik in October 2005. Astemirov’s involvement in a number of particularly serious crimes has been proven: murder, armed robbery and rape, including of minors. Repeated violation of the law did not prevent Seifullah from becoming the supreme qadi - the head of the Sharia court.
There are several other separatists of lower rank, who nevertheless enjoy respect and some fame in their circles. Israpil Velidzhanov, the head of the Derbent jamaat, became famous for organizing about 100 attacks on law enforcement officers in Dagestan; he is credited with numerous terrorist attacks and executions. Velidzhanov is in a difficult relationship with Doku Umarov: there were even rumors that he was preparing to take the place of the Supreme Amir by organizing an assassination attempt on him. Whether this is true or not is unknown, but it is well known about the fight that followed the appointment of Velidzhanov as head of the jamaat in the fall of 2008. He beat Umarov, who was not weak in appearance, soundly. They say that the reason for this was money that was not given to one of Velidzhanov’s friends by Umarov’s relatives. One way or another, so far this fight has not affected the terrorist’s career; apparently, the special popularity that Velidzhanov enjoys in his homeland, in Dagestan, played a role. They say that he still, especially without disguise, attends all competitions related to wrestling and other martial arts in Makhachkala.
Velidzhanov’s influence is second only to the influence of another famous separatist and leader of the Dagestan Wahhabis - Bagautdin Kebedov, respectfully called Bagautdin of Dagestan, “the spiritual leader of the Dagestan monotheists.” Supyan Abdullaev has a personality to match: back in Soviet times, he organized illegal circles for the study of Islam, which were smashed by the KGB.
In 1989, Kebedov created the first Muslim community in the North Caucasus - a jamaat in the city of Kizilyurt near Makhachkala. And in 1997 he had to emigrate... to Chechnya. There he escaped persecution by the FSB (he was charged with a list of 30 crimes, from child molestation to incitement to murder). In 1999, Kebedov took a personal part in organizing the invasion of Shamil Basayev’s militants into Dagestan.
Although Velidzhanov and Kebedov compete with each other for the right to be considered the spiritual leaders of Dagestan, they also have a common rival. This is Emir Ibrahim Gadzhidadaev. It is popular mainly among Dagestan youth.
Representatives of law enforcement agencies include Magomed Magomedov, nicknamed Chest, Islam Dadashev, Isa Kostoev, Umar Khalilov and Sadyk Khudaybergenov, nicknamed Uzbek, in the symbolic five of the most odious and bloodthirsty separatists.
At the most, for liquidation upon arrest. These people have hundreds and thousands of atrocities behind them, perhaps even more than the odious Basayev and Khattab. But they do not and will never have even a 10th part of the fame and influence that the separatists enjoyed in the 90s. The current growth, although no less bloodthirsty, is... faceless.
And therefore less viable.
* The Islamic State is recognized as a terrorist organization, whose activities in Russia are officially prohibited by the decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated December 29, 2014.
“Imarat Kavkaz” (“Caucasian Emirate”) is an international organization officially banned in Russia.
The Islamic Party of Turkestan (formerly the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan) is an international organization officially banned in Russia. ** The Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated November 13, 2008 No. GKPI 08-1956, entered into force on November 27, 2008 recognized the Al-Qaeda organization as extremist and prohibited on the territory of Russia *** "The Supreme Military Majlisul Shura of the United Mujahideen Forces of the Caucasus." Recognized as terrorist by the decision of the Supreme Court of Russia on February 14, 2003, which came into force on March 4, 2003. **** "Imarat Caucasus" ("Caucasian Emirate"), an international organization. Recognized as terrorist by the decision of the Supreme Court of Russia on February 8, 2010. Came into force on February 24, 2010.
Ruslan Gorevoy
Terrorist nest
The unclear status of Chechnya after the signing of the Khasavyurt Treaty created fertile ground for a double interpretation of the events related to it. The federal center, considering Chechnya its subject, was engaged in “restoring order” on its territory. The Chechens saw Russia as an aggressor, against whom all means were allowed. This circumstance became the cause of mass terror, which the mountaineers considered just a kind of guerrilla warfare.
The recent history of Chechen terrorism is quite rich. Here are just some pages of this “chronicle”.
So, on May 26, 1994, in the area of the settlement of Kinzhal in the Stavropol Territory, which is 30 km from Mineralnye Vody, four Chechen terrorists seized a Vladikavkaz-Stavropol bus. A class from one of the local schools, who were going on an excursion, was taken hostage. There were about 30 people on the bus along with parents and teachers. The terrorists demanded $10 million, drugs, 4 machine guns, 4 bulletproof vests, a grenade launcher, a night vision device and a helicopter.
Negotiations began with the authorities, during which the bandits released all the children and several adults. The next day, a helicopter with terrorists, as well as three women, a bus driver and three pilots took off and headed for Dagestan. But soon, as a result of a lack of fuel, he changed his flight route and landed near the village of Bachi-Yurt on the territory of Chechnya. An hour later the bandits were neutralized. The leader of the bandits, Magomet Bitsiev, was sentenced to capital punishment, and two other participants in this crime - Temur-Ali and Akhmed Makhmaev - received 15 years in prison. But this case became only one link in a chain of other similar crimes.
Just a month later, on June 28, 1994, three terrorists, two of whom were Chechens, near Mineralnye Vody hijacked a Stavropol-Mozdok bus with about 40 people on board. The criminals demanded 5.8 million US dollars, three machine guns with ammunition, three portable radio stations, two helicopters and a plane prepared for takeoff at Makhachkala airport. But the plan failed. The next day, an operation to detain the terrorists was successfully carried out in the area of the Chechen village of Braguny. Having appeared before the court, all three received 15 years of imprisonment to be served in a strict regime correctional labor colony.
But another month passed, and on July 28, 1994, in the Pyatigorsk region, four terrorists of Chechen nationality again seized a Pyatigorsk-Sovetsky bus with forty passengers and demanded 15 million dollars. The operation to neutralize the criminals was carried out at the Mineralnye Vody airport. During the operation, one of the terrorists detonated a grenade inside the bus, as a result of which 4 people were killed and 19 were injured. During the helicopter attack, one terrorist was killed, the rest were captured. By a court decision, they were all sentenced to death.
Thus, even before the entry of federal troops into Chechnya, the Chechens began to practice terrorist acts with the taking of hostages, the purpose of which was not to satisfy the political demands put forward, but the most banal thing - to obtain a ransom. This practice, known since the time of General Ermolov, had nothing to do with the national liberation struggle Chechen people, although it was often passed off as such by the bandits themselves and the forces interested in it.
In the “renewed” Russia, this type of terrorism has become widespread in the North Caucasus. Receiving ransom for hostages has become one of the most common ways to generate income. Those captives for whom they could not pay were doomed to slavery, and the use of slave labor in some territories of the North Caucasus, and especially in Chechnya, became the norm. It is quite clear that there is no talk about any policy in these cases. we're talking about, and the main goal was only money.
Dead zone
Along with hostage-taking and human trafficking, another type of terrorism appeared in the 90s, associated with the seizure of hostages and objects under the guise of political slogans.
The action carried out in the small Stavropol city of Budennovsk was especially terrible. On June 14, 1995, a group of 40–50 Chechen militants suddenly burst into the city in two trucks. The bandits, firing indiscriminately from machine guns at civilians, rushed through the streets and gained a foothold in the city hospital. Another hundred and fifty Chechens quickly arrived there and were under various types entered the city early.
The terrorists took about a thousand hostages from among medical staff, patients, and local residents and prepared for defense. The Chechens were led by field commander Shamil Basayev. A graduate of the Moscow Institute of Land Management, he easily changed his peaceful profession to a military one. By that time, his “combat” record included the hijacking of a plane from Mineralnye Vody airport in 1991 and fighting in Sukhumi at the head of the Abkhaz battalion in 1992. The Chechen war made Sh. Basayev the third person in D. Dudayev's inner circle. He knew how to fight boldly and brutally, which earned him great popularity among militants and leaders of the criminal world.
The local police only informed the commander of the helicopter regiment stationed on the outskirts of Budyonnovsk about the attack by the militants only at noon. Colonel P. Rodichev sent a group of 32 officers armed with pistols to the city, led by the chief of staff of the regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Yu. Konovalov. But the pilots turned out to be poor warriors in unusual conditions. The bus with the pilots was easily identified and fired upon by the Chechens. Six officers were killed, two wounded were taken to the hospital, where a little later they also died at the hands of terrorists. One of the two shot in the hospital was Lieutenant Colonel Yu. Konovalov.
Having secured himself in the hospital building by 16:00 and declaring that for each killed militant ten hostages would be shot, and five for the wounded, Basayev put forward political demands. The main ones boiled down to the immediate withdrawal of federal troops from Chechnya and the start of negotiations between the Russian government and Dudayev.
As one would expect, the federal authorities turned out to be completely unprepared for operational work to counter such a large-scale terrorist attack. Only by the end of the next day, units of special troops were pulled into Budennovsk. The Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, Viktor Erin, and the Director of the Federal Counterintelligence Service, Sergei Stepashin, also arrived there to lead the operation to free the hostages. The city hospital was surrounded by a tight ring, through which only journalists were allowed to meet with Basayev.
For two days, the best special forces forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, under the leadership of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs M. Egorov, prepared for an operation to storm the hospital and free the hostages. At the same time, the tasks of limiting the maneuver of militants, destroying their snipers and providing advantageous positions for units of federal troops were solved.
Decision making at the militants' headquarters
An operation plan was developed. It provided for the initial seizure of the building of the trauma and infectious diseases departments, then the laundry and garages, and only after that a decisive assault on the main hospital building. The actions of the special forces were supported by 14 infantry fighting vehicles, which, in order to ensure surprise, were supposed to arrive 10 minutes after the start of the attack. In addition, to suppress enemy firing points, four armored personnel carriers and a large group of snipers were allocated, who were positioned in advance along the perimeter of the hospital campus. The attack was scheduled for the morning of June 17.
At half past five that day, the assault forces concentrated on the starting lines. 10 minutes before time “H”, under the cover of a distracting fire raid, the first group of “Alpha” men penetrated the territory of the hospital campus and, dividing into subgroups, covered the areas of garages and laundry. By that time, two other groups had approached the trauma and infectious diseases departments, taking aim at the main building and the surrounding area.
At the given signal, the Alpha fighters rushed to the main hospital building. But, as soon as they emerged into the open, they came under heavy fire from enemy heavy machine guns, grenade launchers and machine guns. The Chechens threw hand grenades at those who broke through to a closer distance.
"Alfovtsy" lay down under destructive enemy fire, suffering losses. But for some reason the promised combat vehicles still did not arrive. They only reached the end of the third hour of the battle, when continuing the assault on the hospital building became pointless. The commandos retreated, leaving five dead and more than thirty wounded comrades. Nobody really knew anything about the losses among the militants and hostages.
As soon as the federal leadership became aware of the unsuccessful assault on the hospital, the question arose about who gave the order to start it. As a result of the “on-site investigation,” it turned out that ministers Erin and Stepashin, who were in Budennovsk, “knew nothing about this action.” It was announced that the special forces began the assault on their own initiative, and therefore were responsible for its failure and for the blood of the hostages.
True, later in some media there was information that Russian President B. N. Yeltsin, who was at that time in Canada at a meeting of the leaders of the Big Seven, admitted that even before his departure the issue of the assault had been resolved with Yerin . But soon they tried to hush up this unpleasant “fact” in every possible way.
Meanwhile, events in Budennovsk developed according to the Chechen scenario. On the night of June 18, Sh. Basayev held a press conference in the hospital building, which was attended by about twenty Russian and foreign journalists. After its end, the terrorists released 186 hostages, leaving about 700 more people captive.
At three o'clock in the morning, Russian Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin made a direct telephone connection with the leader of the terrorists. Basayev demanded that three conditions be met for the release of most of the hostages: to stop hostilities in Chechnya, to disengage troops and to begin negotiations with Dudayev. Chernomyrdin agreed to the first two conditions, but categorically rejected the third. But Sh. Basayev did not make concessions and stated that he was ready to continue negotiations at 10 o’clock in the morning.
After another round of negotiations, the Chechen terrorist released another 200 hostages. In return, he put forward an additional demand that his detachment be provided with an aircraft for evacuation from Budennovsk. He also intended to take out up to 200 hostages on it to ensure the safety of his militants.
At 16:00, the federal troops stationed in Chechnya were given the command to cease fire. The shooting also subsided in Budennovsk, where the funeral of the victims of terror took place. On this day, over 50 people were buried at the local cemetery; many unidentified corpses remained in the morgue. There has been no talk yet about those killed in the hospital itself.
On the morning of June 19, negotiations began in Grozny between the Russian and Chechen delegations on resolving the conflict in Chechnya. At the same time, at the request of the terrorists, vehicles were sent to Budennovsk to evacuate them from the city. At noon, the Chechens with a small group of hostages began to carefully leave the hospital building and board buses. At 14.20 a convoy of buses left Budennovsk and headed towards Mineralnye Vody. Only after this did the rest of the hostages who were in the hospital building gain their long-awaited freedom. The rest were released on the border with the Chechen Republic.
Basayev and his terrorists managed to escape with impunity to Chechnya, to areas controlled by Dudayev’s supporters. There they were greeted as heroes. The federal authorities silently swallowed the bitter pill, which they tried to “sweeten” with talk about rescuing the hostages. The real result of the events in Budennovsk were 95 Russians who died or died from wounds, another 142 people were injured, and 99 became seriously ill. No casualties were reported among the militants.
The events in Budennovsk once again showed the complexity and contradictory nature of the internal situation in the country and the weakness of the highest bodies of state power. Despite the promises of high officials, the answer to the question of how such a large armed group was able to break into the depths of the Stavropol Territory, “reliably” covered by troops, police and Cossacks, was never found.
The actions of the federal authorities to free the hostages also caused serious criticism. It seemed that while there were a large number of high-ranking commanders in the conflict area, they were conducted without a single leadership, in the absence of a clear action plan, their comprehensive support, and without organizing the interaction of heterogeneous forces and means.
The troops themselves did not perform well, although elite police special forces units were assembled in Budennovsk. Poor leadership of personnel, their insufficient combat training, and weak equipment had an effect. The result is illiterate actions and large losses.
In this situation, the top leaders of the Russian Federation also looked unsightly. President B. N. Yeltsin openly distanced himself from the events that took place in Budennovsk. Prime Minister V.S. Chernomyrdin was forced to talk with the leader of the terrorists Sh. Basayev almost on an equal footing, and then agree to the latter’s terms. Thus, Moscow once again, in the presence of a huge number of witnesses, admitted its powerlessness to resist the actions of Chechen militants, carried out in such a brazen manner.
The reaction of some “famous” Russians to the events in Budennovsk can be called strange, if not more so. June 28 deputies State Duma Sergei Kovalev, Alla Gerber and Alexander Osovtsev at a meeting with voters in the Moscow House of Cinema called Shamil Basayev “an extraordinary personality and a Chechen Robin Hood.” They announced a collection of signatures for his amnesty and were the first to put their names.
Erin and Stepashin became the “scapegoats” for Budennovsk, having lost their ministerial portfolios. True, several years after this, S. Stepashin even received the post of prime minister, from which, however, he was soon also removed and appointed head of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation. The Kremlin did not surrender its people.
Children of war
The events in Budennovsk did not put an end to the bloody showdown between Moscow and Grozny. In Russia, new people were appointed to replace the departed security ministers, who also had no experience in fighting terrorists. This was fully demonstrated in subsequent events.
The Russian government, unable to solve the Chechen problem on its own, tried to find support in local personnel. The ancient principle of “divide and conquer” often turned out to be more reliable military force. The time has come to apply it on Chechen soil.
Federal authorities, wanting to show the strength of the new Chechen government of Doku Zavgaev, on December 18 began an operation to blockade Gudermes, captured by Salman Raduev’s militants three days earlier. At the beginning of this operation, federal troops formed an encirclement ring around this settlement, in which corridors were left for civilians to escape. For five hours, a continuous stream of refugees moved along them from Gudermes to Kortsaloy and cars full of people loaded with household goods drove out. Pedestrians walked along the sides of the road, leading and carrying children, pulling loaded sleds behind them. Columns of armored vehicles and Ural vehicles were moving towards them. Attack aircraft and combat helicopters darted in the sky.
In the afternoon, artillery salvos, explosions of bombs and shells, and machine-gun chatter began to be heard from the direction of Gudermes. Gradually a cloud of black smoke rose over the city. Federal forces launched a decisive offensive.
But S. Raduev’s militants did not defend Gudermes to the last man. True to their tactics, after shooting a little, on December 24 they left the city through numerous gaps in the battle formations of the federal troops. As a result of the action, 267 city residents and 31 Russian servicemen were killed. As usual, there was no exact information about casualties among the militants.
The capture of Gudermes by the federal leadership was presented as another big victory. The actions of the militants in Gudermes were sharply criticized by Dudayev. In one of the radio interceptions, the general’s angry words were heard addressed to an offending relative: “Gudermes should have been a victory! And you are dogs and cattle, because you left Gudermes. I’m giving you one last opportunity to justify yourself.” Then the federal command could not imagine what lay behind these words.
On January 9, 1996, at about 6 a.m., a group of Chechens led by Salman Raduev broke into the Dagestan city of Kizlyar. On the way to it they destroyed a police checkpoint. One of the policemen was killed, the other two were captured.
After destroying the checkpoint, the militants moved to the field airfield of the internal troops, where they burned two helicopters. Then they entered the city and secured a foothold in the hospital, driving up to a thousand hostages there from nearby houses.
Federal and local authorities, as in the summer of 1995 in Budennovsk, turned out to be completely unprepared for an attack by the Chechens. A variety of rumors circulated for two days about the number of Dudayevites who attacked Kizlyar. S. Raduev himself, in an interview with journalists, stated that he has 500 people at his disposal. This was not true. No more than 50 people arrived in the city by bus and KamAZ. True, they were joined there by up to 200 more people who had penetrated into Kizlyar in advance. Thus, the terrorist commander named a figure that was twice the reality. But the federal authorities willingly believed in her.
Kilometer after kilometer...
In the evening of the same day, a “strict” analysis by the president of what happened in the presence of security ministers was demonstrated on television in Russia and abroad. For some reason, the director of the Federal Federal border service General A.I. Nikolaev. The angry head of state wanted to know how such a large detachment of Chechens could penetrate the territory of the neighboring republic and capture the city? Nikolaev was guiltily silent, apparently having forgotten or was embarrassed to remind the head of state and the Supreme Commander-in-Chief that the main task of the border troops is the defense of the external borders of the state, and not the borders between its subjects. Therefore, to the president’s stern question, neither then nor after, there was, as usual, no intelligible answer...
At the same time, it became known that military intelligence warned the structures responsible for the security of Russia about the Chechens’ preparations for an attack on Kizlyar as early as December 23. However, for some reason, the data of the specialists of the Main Intelligence Directorate remained unrealized.
Meanwhile, the Russian leadership demanded decisive action from the security ministers. By the end of the day, 739 internal troops and 857 police officers were urgently assembled in Kizlyar. They waited for instructions from the government, which this time decided to show “character” and not directly negotiate with terrorists. The negotiations were entrusted to the authorities of Dagestan and the command of the federal troops in Chechnya.
Late in the evening, the Chairman of the State Council of the Republic of Dagestan, Magomed-Ali Magomedov, managed to meet with the leaders of the terrorists, Salman Raduev and Sultan Gelikhanov. During the negotiations, the militant leaders demanded the unhindered return of their people to Chechnya. As proof of the honesty of their intentions, by midnight they released a large group of women and children from the hospital.
This time too, local Russian authorities acted according to a previously worked out scenario. By the morning of January 10, at the request of the militants, 11 buses and three KamAZ trucks arrived at the hospital. At 6.45, the Chechens, having put about 170 hostages on buses, left Kizlyar. They named the final destination of the column's movement as the settlement of Novogroznensky, located 50 km east of Grozny.
After the departure of the buses with the militants, Kizlyar summed up the tragedy. Of the civilian population, 24 people were killed and several were injured. The losses of federal troops in this city amounted to 9 people killed and 42 wounded. It was announced that the militants themselves in Kizlyar lost 29 people killed.
At first, the release of the militants took place almost according to Budennov’s scenario. The column reached the Chechen border in the Pervomaisky area without any hindrance. But, as it turned out, the federal authorities decided to act more decisively this time. Unexpectedly, the convoy with militants was fired upon from combat helicopters.
After this, the Dudayevites decided to return to Pervomaiskoye and gain a foothold in this locality. The unit of 36 Novosibirsk riot policemen stationed there, guarding this populated area, as always, turned out to be unprepared to meet the enemy. Not only did they not occupy the previously dug trenches, but they also did not offer any resistance to the militants. Having handed over their weapons at the first request of the Chechens, the riot police, “like sacrificial sheep,” climbed onto the buses. Later, they just as resignedly dug new trenches and communication passages, now improving the Chechen defense of Pervomaisky. Later, a version appeared that the Novosibirsk riot police surrendered in exchange for S. Raduev’s promise to release the captured women and children. Perhaps it was so. But we should not forget that at the same checkpoint there was a large warehouse of weapons and ammunition, which also went to the Dudayevites. The question also arises: who prepared the operation to seize militant buses without coordinating the actions of the helicopters with the actions of the riot police and other forces?
Temporary fortification on the outskirts of a Chechen city
It later turned out that the decision to destroy the gang of terrorists at any cost was made by the authorities shortly before the buses with the hostages reached Pervomaisky. The column of buses was already on the way when 150 paratroopers stationed in Chechnya received orders to prepare to fly towards Pervomaisky. They were given the task of blocking and destroying buses as soon as they crossed the border into Chechnya. First, attack aircraft were supposed to hit the column, then helicopters were supposed to strike, and then the paratroopers had to finish off those who survived. There was no talk about hostages, since it was assumed that the terrorists would have to leave them in Dagestan. But this operation was not destined to happen.
The federal authorities again proved unable to foresee the development of the situation. Their confusion turned into a protracted pause, which allowed the Dudayevites to improve their defense in Pervomaisky. But they did not intend to fight to the death in this locality. The terrorists hoped that the federal authorities would not risk the lives of the hostages and would allow them into Chechnya. Therefore, they were more concerned about political advertising than about the defense of Pervomaisky. This is evidenced by the fact that in the evening of the same day, seven high-ranking volunteer hostages from the Dagestan authorities were released. Returning to Makhachkala, some of them began on local television to denounce the Russian authorities of helplessness and corruption. Under the influence of these speeches, the mood of the Dagestanis began to change quickly. Anti-Russian slogans began to sound not only in the capital, but also in the mountain villages...
Then an epic began in Pervomaisky with the liberation of women and children. The Chechens seemed to let the women go, but they themselves did not want to leave without their husbands. When asked by the leaders of Dagestan to give them a few minutes to negotiate with the captured women, S. Raduev refused.
– The hostages deserved a big plus before Allah, helping the fight for the independence of Chechnya. For them, this is like an opportunity to atone for their sins,” said the leader of the terrorists.
The indecisiveness of the federal command contributed not only to the strengthening of Dudayev’s defense in Pervomaisky, but also to a decrease in morale Russian troops located on the outskirts of this settlement. The soldiers were too hungry and cold to think about Raduev. Every day and hour they thought more and more about food and warmth. The leaders of the operation did not care at all about their subordinates - the paratroopers were never delivered hot food for three days, and dry rations ran out. On the third day, soldiers and special forces began hunting for cows, goats, geese, and chickens that had fled from Pervomaisky. With the onset of darkness, hungry warriors from units less successful in the hunt went to the nearest villages abandoned by the inhabitants, and dragged from there everything that could be eaten or used as a blanket. "Grandfathers" from the Makhachkala battalion of internal troops quickly found common language with the men who remained to guard their houses, and drank with them “for the victory over Raduev.” Discipline in the ranks of the federal forces was rapidly declining.
On the morning of January 15, by decision of the command, federal troops began the assault on Pervomaisky. It developed extremely slowly - no one wanted to go out into the open, everyone was limited to shooting from long distances. By 16 o'clock it became clear that the operation could not be completed during daylight hours, during which only a few managed to reach the outskirts of Pervomaisky. The militants were able to retreat in an organized manner to the central and southern parts of the village, where they put up stubborn resistance. Once again admitting its impotence, the federal command late in the evening of January 15 stopped the assault on Pervomaisky and withdrew the troops to their starting lines for regrouping.
The assault on Pervomaisky was carried out simultaneously with an attempt to persuade the Dudayevites to surrender through negotiations. To guide them, the director of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation, Mikhail Barsukov, the Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia, Anatoly Kulikov, and the Minister of Internal Affairs of Dagestan, Magomed Abdurazanov, arrived in the combat area. However, S. Raduev refused to capitulate.
At the same time, a radio interception of a conversation between the terrorists and Dudayev’s headquarters took place. The Chechen leader warned his subordinate: “Do not conduct long negotiations, every word, every intonation is against you. Prepare the police for execution and warn them about it. You can even shoot some... Keep a tough position. They are coming to your aid... Consider yourself suicide bombers. Prepare to appear before Allah. Forget about everything earthly, then it will be easier for you. Start with the worst."
After deciphering this radio interception, the pointlessness of waiting for negotiations became obvious. By the end of the day, significant forces of federal troops were concentrated in the vicinity of Pervomaisky. They included more than two thousand personnel, a tank, 80 armored vehicles, 32 guns and mortars, 3 Grad installations, 16 flamethrowers. According to calculations, these forces were quite sufficient to prevent the terrorists from breaking through and ensure their rapid destruction in the populated area.
The next day at 11 o'clock a powerful fire attack was carried out on Pervomaisky by combat helicopters. Subsequently, federal forces attacked a Chechen checkpoint located on the southern outskirts of the village. Although this checkpoint was taken, it was also not possible to defeat the Dudayevites in Pervomaisky on that day. Little consolation for the feds was the release of four dozen hostages, despite the fact that more than a hundred unfortunates remained in the hands of terrorists.
The terrorists themselves acted more skillfully. In the middle of the night on January 18, a group of terrorists opened fire from the southern and southwestern outskirts of Pervomaisky. At the same time, from the Soviet side, the Russian troops were hit in the rear by a detachment of Dudayevites who came from Chechnya through Nizhny Gerzel. A firefight ensued, which the federal command took as preparation for a terrorist breakthrough. All forces were thrown towards the threatened direction.
In reality, the breakthrough was being prepared from the northwestern side of the settlement. There, at three o'clock in the morning, another group of Chechens, letting hostages lead them, suddenly attacked the soldiers, who were confused by surprise. As a result of quick hand-to-hand combat, about 40 Chechens led by Salman Raduev broke through the weak encirclement ring. They left for the territory of Chechnya, taking with them a group of hostages. Most of them were returned only on January 24, and again for certain concessions from the federal leadership.
The time has come to take stock of the tragic events that occurred in Pervomaisky. According to Russian President, in this locality 153 terrorists were killed and 30 captured. The losses of federal troops during the assault on the village amounted to 26 people killed and 93 wounded. As usual, no casualties were reported among hostages or local residents.
The events in Kizlyar and Pervomaisky once again showed the inability of the federal authorities to solve the Chechen problem. The actions of the Russian government and local security ministers were chaotic. The reasoning of the President - Supreme Commander-in-Chief B. N. Yeltsin about how hostages should be rescued is striking. “The streets smoke and they run away... And when they run, you know, in a wide front, they are much more difficult to kill...” he said in front of television cameras. It does not take a great deal of military expertise to understand the weakness of this plan, if not its complete failure. The immediate leaders of the operation looked no better.
What happened in Kizlyar and Pervomaisky highlighted the figure of terrorist No. 2 among the Chechens. He became Salman Raduev. Among the Russian journalists there were people who had met him before. A Moskovsky Komsomolets correspondent wrote about one of these meetings:
“I met him last March (1995). Then, I remember, MK correspondents came to him, Dudayev’s governor, to issue a pass and at the same time interview him. Raduev received us in full wartime armor - under the green banner of Ichkeria, placing a machine gun with a grenade launcher, a walkie-talkie and a pistol on the table in front of him. The real Tiger of the Caucasus...
Road of War
Later, according to the custom of Caucasian hospitality, Raduev invited us to his home on the outskirts of Gudermes... We drove a brand new “seven”, accompanied by two guards, one of whom, the Afghan Mujahideen Habibollah, equipped with a brand new “handbrake”, chanted Surahs from the Koran all the time. At home, having thrown off his “bra” with grenades and body armor, Raduev suddenly turned from a formidable warrior of Allah into a thin teenage man. His wife invited us to the table. Before eating, Raduev and the guards retired to the next room for prayer - it was the last hour of the fifth adhan.
At the table Raduev started talking again, by the way, characteristic feature Many Chechen men are incessantly talkative. Then we found out that he was about thirty, that he had a higher education in economics, graduate school and an almost finished candidate’s thesis. “I am a purely peaceful person by nature,” Raduev muttered hoarsely. “More than anything else, I dream of turning my country, my Chechnya, into a second Kuwait, planting it with gardens, decorating it with fountains, palaces and oil derricks. But now the realization of my dream has been postponed. It's war now. We are being driven into a corner, and if this continues, we will spread the war to the territory of Dagestan. We took money and aircraft outside the republic and now we can fight as much as we want, and we buy weapons in Azerbaijan, Turkey, Sudan, Pakistan and Russia. There are such channels, and one of them is Russian contract soldiers! There are plenty of weapons, even more than people. The last large shipment, no secret, we received through Dagestan. It makes no difference to us where we fight, Russia has declared war on us, which means we will fight everywhere - in Dagestan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, in Russia itself, just to kill Russian soldiers. Moreover, we now have high-precision weapons capable of hitting objects within a radius of 5–6 kilometers. Which of the Chechens took the side of Russia did not care about the graves of their fathers. The cowards left. A true Muslim is fighting here.
There hasn't been a real war yet, it's coming! Jihad is the path of Allah, and every Muslim is happy to die on this path. President Dudayev and the national congress decided to create special death battalions. There are more volunteers than needed. Such a volunteer is included in the list of heroes of the republic by presidential decree even before his death! His name will be carved on the tablets of the history of the Chechen people! We will raise the entire Caucasus! We will make it Muslim! And in general, I don’t know what I would have done if it weren’t for the war, I would probably have been some kind of average official in the economic service, but now I respect myself, I feel like a hero, a true Muslim, the savior of my people and fatherland... »
This, according to the journalist, was Salman Raduev - the main culprit of the tragedies in Kizlyar and Pervomaisky, who once again fooled Russian politicians and generals, forcing them to admit their helplessness. Then, in their materials, in pursuit of the “hot” fact, the Russian media cared little about the prestige of their state, about instilling patriotic feelings among Russian citizens. The terrorist S. Raduev for some time became a significant figure, from information about whom money could be made. And that was enough.
The January events, apparently, were also assessed ambiguously by the Chechens themselves, in whose upper echelons there had long been an internecine struggle. This time, terrorist No. 2 Salman Raduev and his family became its victims. True, they later wrote that in this way the Chechens took blood revenge for their relatives and comrades, abandoned by this field commander to the mercy of fate, or rather to certain death, during his flight from Pervomaisky. True, there is no documentary evidence of any of the versions. Nevertheless, on the night of March 1, 1996, in Gudermes, the house of Raduev’s father was shot at using “Mukha” grenade launchers and a “Shmel” flamethrower. The inhabitants of the house and its guards died. In the morning, 11 corpses were found at the scene of the tragedy. How many people and who exactly burned in the house remained unknown.
Salman himself, who was away, managed to avoid the fate of his relatives that time. However, a few days later, on March 5, 1996, in the area of the village of Urus-Martan, he was seriously wounded by unknown persons and, according to official Russian sources, died.
True, four months later the “dead” S. Raduev was resurrected and met with Russian journalists. He stated that after receiving a serious injury he was undergoing treatment in Germany, where, among other things, he underwent plastic surgery that changed his facial features. Now, having returned to his homeland, S. Raduev intended to once again actively participate in the struggle of his people with Russia and lead it to a victorious end, mainly using the methods of guerrilla warfare and mass terror. There was no need to doubt this man’s promises.
Some time passed, and the war in Chechnya officially ended. But terrorism could not be eliminated. On December 15, Raduev’s militants captured 22 employees of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, who were released four days later thanks to the intervention of separatist leaders and Deputy Secretary of the Security Council Boris Berezovsky. At that time, Boris Abramovich was presented in Russia as perhaps the most successful negotiator, who wholeheartedly cared about the fate of the Russians who found themselves in Chechen captivity. Later it turned out that in his activities in the North Caucasus he pursued completely different goals...
This success was soon overshadowed by the shooting on December 17 by a group of Chechen terrorists of six employees of the International Red Cross in a hospital in the village of Novye Atagi. Five of the dead were women and, in addition, citizens of Norway, Holland, Spain, Canada and New Zealand. All of them are at the call of various public organizations voluntarily came to Chechnya to provide medical assistance to its residents. The “gratitude” for this humane act was death...
Soon after this, Salman Raduev was captured by federal troops, sentenced to life imprisonment and died in prison. Boris Abramovich Berezovsky, having safely taken billions of dollars out of the country, including those mixed with Russian and Chechen blood, successfully “hid” in London, from time to time making anti-Russian statements on local television. The evil that he caused to Russia and its people as Deputy Secretary of the Security Council has yet to be dealt with.
The Chechen war and Chechen terrorism have shown that these are only visible manifestations of a huge secretive process of struggle for power and money on the ruins of a superpower, which until recently occupied a sixth of the land area of our planet and pursued an independent policy. The empire collapsed under the weight of its own bureaucracy, which had long ago betrayed all ideals for the sake of material gain. Kites flocked to the wreckage, greedy for easy prey. Among these kites there were neither “friends” nor “strangers”. They all look the same: cruel, cynical, merciless, completely indifferent to the fate of states and peoples. They have one goal - to snatch more from what was created by Russian and Russian people over centuries of sweat and blood. Soviet people, all its nations and nationalities. And if this required a war, the fleeced people received a war, and for greater fear, terrorist attacks were organized in Budennovsk, Kizlyar and Pervomaisky, explosions were heard in the Rostov region and in Moscow. And this is not surprising; any means for these people justified the goal that they set for themselves.
People once lived in this house
Many asked themselves the question: will the documents signed in Khasavyurt on August 31 by the Secretary of the Russian Security Council A. Lebed and the chief of staff of the armed forces of the separatists A. Maskhadov put an end to the Chechen war and Chechen terrorism? The answer from most experts was negative. The reason for this lay in the difference in the attitude of the parties to this document. The Russian side tried to find a way to end a hopeless war without officially recognizing its defeat. Chechen, according to its leader Yandarbiev, hoped in this way not only to consolidate its victory in the republic, but also to obtain from the defeated side (Russia) compensation for the material and moral damage caused by the war.
But the main thing was different - a source of tension was needed on the territory of Russia, which would distract the attention of its people and allow individuals to rob the state with impunity. The Chechens also did not intend to lay down their arms, hoping in this way to earn support, and most importantly, to receive money from abroad. Therefore, both sides, in order to achieve their goals, decided to postpone the issue of the status of Chechnya until December 31, 2001.
From the book Taliban. Islam, oil and new Big game in Central Asia. by Rashid Ahmed From the book by Otto Skorzeny - Saboteur No. 1. The Rise and Fall of Hitler's Special Forces by Mader Julius“The Alphabet of Terrorists” at a Great Price The Man with Scars set his feet in a country where every police station kept an order for his arrest. He was eager to join the Bonn state. Skorzeny believed that the time had come to actively join the Cold War and propose
From the book How to Destroy Terrorists [Actions of Assault Groups] author Petrov Maxim NikolaevichLegion of terrorists Plastic bombs exploded in Oran and Paris, Algiers and Lyon. Machine gun fire pierced the limestone walls of Arab huts in Constantine and Sidi Bel Abbes. In broad daylight, Algerians and French patriots fell bleeding at the hands of murderers.
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From the book Queen's Advisor - Kremlin Super Agent author Popov Viktor IvanovichEagle's Nest Having locked Annenkov in the mountains and not daring to go there, the Red command contacted the Chinese authorities through the Soviet Khorgos and asked if Annenkov's followers crossed into Chinese territory to disarm them and prevent them from further attacks on
From the book 1945. Blitzkrieg of the Red Army author Runov Valentin AlexandrovichCambridge - a nest of Soviet intelligence officers In 1926, on his birthday, 19-year-old Anthony Blunt became a student at Trinity College, Cambridge University. Before moving on to describing Blunt's adult life, perhaps we should try to draw his portrait.
From the book Golden Stars of Alpha author Boltunov Mikhail EfimovichChapter 1. THE WESTERN FRONT. AT HITLER’S HQ “EAGLE’S NEST” On December 11, 1944, at Hitler’s headquarters “Adlershorst” (“Eagle’s Nest”), located near the city of Nauheim in a castle around which a group of bunkers was built, adapted to the surrounding rocky
From the author's bookYakshiyants demanded seven machine guns to arm the terrorists. Machine guns had already been encountered in the practice of the Alpha commander. These are, of course, not hunting sawn-off shotguns or knives, but powerful modern small arms. Zaitsev understood: the confrontation over weapons must be won at all costs.
First great luck The decapitation of Chechen separatism after the murder of Dzhokhar Dudayev was the capture of terrorist No. 2 Salman Raduev, who was arrested by FSB representatives on the territory of Chechnya in March 2000. Raduev became widely known in 1996, after on January 9, under his leadership, militants attacked the Dagestan city of Kizlyar. True, the “laurels of fame” in Kizlyar went to Raduev “by accident.” At the last stage, he replaced the wounded field commander Khunkarpasha Israpilov, who was the leader of the operation.
The capture of Raduev was carried out masterfully by counterintelligence officers and in such a top-secrecy regime that the bandit “did not expect anything and was shocked,” said FSB director Nikolai Patrushev. According to some reports, Raduev was “tied up” the moment he left his shelter “out of need.” There is a version that Raduev was betrayed by an agent who promised to sell him a large batch of weapons cheaply.
On December 25, 2001, the Supreme Court of Dagestan found Raduev guilty of all charges except “organizing illegal armed groups.” The demands of the state prosecutor, Vladimir Ustinov, were fulfilled, and Salman Raduev was sentenced to life imprisonment. Raduev served his sentence in the Solikamsk penitentiary, in the famous White Swan colony.
In December 2002, Raduev began to complain about his health. On December 6, he developed bruising under his left eye and abdominal pain. A few days later, Raduev became worse, and on December 10, GUIN doctors decided to place him in a prison hospital in a separate ward. Raduev was in the hospital and died on December 14 at 5.30 am. The forensic medical report on death states the following: “DIC syndrome, multiple hemorrhages, retroperitoneal hematoma, hemorrhage in the brain and left eye.”
Raduev’s body was buried in the general Solikamsk cemetery.
In April 2002, it became known that the field commander Khattab, who was known as an ideologist and organizer of terrorist activities, was killed in Chechnya. He was liquidated as a result of an “undercover combat operation” by the FSB back in March 2002. The top-secret operation to destroy Khattab was prepared for almost a year. According to the FSB, Khattab was poisoned by one of his confidants. The death of the terrorist was one of the most serious blows for the militants, since after the liquidation of Khattab the entire system of financing gangs in Chechnya was disrupted.
In June 2001, in Chechnya, as a result of a special operation, the leader of one of the most combat-ready units of Chechen militants, Arbi Barayev, was killed. Along with him, 17 people from his inner circle were destroyed. A large number of militants were captured. Barayev was identified by his relatives. The special operation was carried out in the area of Baraev’s native village of Ermolovka for six days - from June 19 to 24. During the operation, which was carried out by the regional operational headquarters with the involvement of special forces of the FSB and the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, in particular the Vityaz group, one Russian serviceman was killed and six were injured. After Barayev was mortally wounded, the militants carried his body into one of the houses and covered it with bricks in the hope that the federal forces would not find him. However, with the help of a search dog, Barayev's body was discovered.
In November 2003, FSB representatives officially admitted that one of the leaders of the Chechen militants, the Arab terrorist Abu al-Walid, was killed on April 14. According to intelligence services, on April 13, information appeared about a detachment of militants who, together with several Arab mercenaries, stopped in the forest between Ishkha-Yurt and Alleroy. This area was immediately attacked from helicopters, and special forces shot at the bandits’ camp using grenade launchers and flamethrowers. On April 17, soldiers combed the area between Ishkhoy-Yurt and Meskety, and approximately 3-4 kilometers from these villages in the forest they found six killed militants. They were all able to be identified - they turned out to be Chechens. A kilometer from those six corpses they found a dead Arab. On his person, in particular, they found a map of the area made from a satellite and a satellite navigator for moving around the area. The body was badly burned. In April, al-Walid's body could not be identified. The intelligence services did not have the terrorist’s fingerprints, his relatives did not respond to investigators’ requests, and the detained militants who met him could not say with certainty that the body was his. All doubts disappeared only in November.
On February 13, 2004, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, whom Chechen separatists declared the president of Ichkeria after the death of Dzhokhar Dudayev, was killed in Qatar. Yandarbiev's car was blown up in the Qatari capital Doha. In this case, two people from his escort died. The separatist leader himself was seriously injured and died some time later in the hospital. Yandarbiev has lived in Qatar for the past three years and has been on the international wanted list all this time as the organizer of the attack on Dagestan. The Russian Prosecutor General's Office demanded his extradition from Qatar.
The Qatari special services immediately started talking about a Russian trace in the murder of Yandarbiev, and already on February 19, three employees of the Russian embassy were arrested on suspicion of committing a terrorist attack. One of them, who is the first secretary of the embassy and has diplomatic status, was released and expelled from the country, while the other two were sentenced to life imprisonment by a Qatari court, and the court concluded that the order to liquidate Yandarbiev was given by top officials of the Russian leadership. Moscow denied the accusations in every possible way, and Russian diplomats did everything possible to take the unlucky bombers home as soon as possible.
They were sentenced to life imprisonment, which under Qatari law means a 25-year prison term, which could later be reduced to 10 years. A month after the trial, an agreement was reached that the convicted Russians would be taken to their homeland, where they would serve their sentences. The return of Russian intelligence officers actually took place; Anatoly Yablochkov and Vasily Pugachev flew to Russia on a special flight of the Rossiya State Transport Company in December 2004.
In March 2004, it became known about the death of an equally odious militant leader, Ruslan Gelayev, who in May 2002 was again appointed by Aslan Maskhadov as commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Ichkeria and restored to the rank of “brigadier general.” True, he was killed not as a result of a special operation by the special services, but in a banal shootout with border guards. Gelayev was killed by a border guard consisting of only two people in the mountains of Dagestan on the Avaro-Kakheti road leading to Georgia. At the same time, the border guards themselves were killed in the shootout. The field commander's corpse was found in the snow a hundred meters from the bodies of the border guards. This happened, apparently, on Sunday (February 28, 2004). A day later, Gelayev’s body was taken to Makhachkala and identified by previously arrested militants.
Thus, only one “odious militant” remains alive among the major Chechen leaders - Shamil Basayev.
Alexander Alyabyev
The leader of the terrorist organization ISIS*, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, could have been destroyed in the vicinity of Raqqa as a result of an airstrike by aircraft of the Russian Aerospace Forces (VKS). The Russian Ministry of Defense announced this on June 16. According to representatives of the department, the strike was carried out on the night of May 28, after intelligence was able to establish the exact meeting place of the terrorist leaders. As the Ministry of Defense emphasized, in present moment this information is verified through various channels.
Let us remember that Al-Baghdadi first appeared in public in July 2014, when from a mosque in the city of Mosul captured by IS* he proclaimed the creation of an “Islamic caliphate” in the Middle East. If information about his liquidation is confirmed, this will be a serious blow to the terrorists’ command structure. And for Russia - a serious image victory in the information war against the West, which accuses us of fighting exclusively with the “moderate” Syrian opposition. In addition, Russian intelligence services will once again prove that they are capable of tracking down any terrorist, no matter where he is. Fortunately, over the past two decades they have accumulated a wealth of experience.
Chief Demoman
In July 2001, the Special Purpose Center of the Russian FSB reported on the liquidation of Abu Umar Muhammad al-Sayyaf, one of the closest associates of the notorious Khattab. This militant from Saudi Arabia fought with federal troops from the very beginning of the first Chechen war. He led a small bandit group that used landmines to blow up columns of Russian troops and mine military units and checkpoints. Later, Abu Umar headed the sabotage and terrorist center "Caucasus", where he taught mine explosives. Among his “pupils” were militants who carried out bombings of residential buildings in Russian cities in September 1999, as well as terrorist attacks in Vladikavkaz, Mineralnye Vody, Pyatigorsk and Nevinnomyssk in 2000-2001.They tracked him for a long time. In July 2001, the headquarters for the counter-terrorism operation received information that Abu Umar was hiding in the mountain village of Maitrup, Kurchaloevsky district of Chechnya. Units of the special forces "Rus" of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the combat group of the famous "Alpha" went to detain him. The exact location of the target was unknown, but by luck the fighters were dropped from helicopters literally a few meters from the house where Abu Umar was hiding. He no longer had time to run to the mountains, so he hid in the basement. The initial search of his home did not yield any results, but one of the Alpha officers at the last moment noticed a carefully camouflaged hatch in the floor. The soldier who opened it was immediately wounded by a machine gun burst, but others reacted instantly and threw grenades into the basement. The main bomber of the Chechen gang underground was killed on the spot.
"Black Arab"
His immediate superior, a native of Saudi Arabia, Samer Saleh al-Suwailem, better known as Khattab, was eliminated nine months later, in March 2001. This seasoned terrorist fought on the side of the Salafist Islamists back in Afghanistan in the 80s. In addition, he trained militants in Tajikistan and participated in the attack on the 12th outpost of the Moscow border detachment on July 13, 1993, during which 25 Russian border guards were killed. He moved to Chechnya together with 18 comrades in 1995. He took direct part in attacks on federal military targets. In 1999, together with Shamil Basayev, Khattab led the militants’ campaign against Dagestan. In March 2000, a Saudi terrorist led the escape of a large gang from encirclement in the Argun Gorge. The culmination of this breakthrough was the famous battle at height 776 near the village of Ulus-Kert, as a result of which almost the entire company of Pskov paratroopers of the 76th Guards Airborne Division heroically died.
It took a long time to get within sight of him - the “Black Arab,” as his accomplices called him, was too smart and devilishly lucky. Then the intelligence services decided to rely on cunning. The FSB managed to recruit one of the leader’s closest assistants, who ultimately poisoned his “boss.” There are several versions about who he was and how he did it. According to one of them, the special services managed to intercept a messenger who was supposed to convey a message from Saudi Arabia to Khattab. The messenger was recruited, and the letter was treated with a potent poison. The “Black Arab” who opened it died almost immediately. According to another version, Khattab was poisoned by his cook, also recruited by the intelligence services. He treated the dry rations intended for the commander with poison. There is also a more prosaic version, according to which Khattab was simply poisoned by expired beef stew.
Emissary
One of the main military and ideological leaders of the Chechen bandit underground, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev, was eliminated on February 13, 2004 in Doha. He actively participated in the first war, leading the defense of the central part of Grozny in January 1995. After the death of Dzhokhar Dudayev a year later, he served as acting president and supreme commander of the unrecognized republic until 1997, when Aslan Maskhadov was elected to this position. After this, Yandarbiev joined the national-radical wing of militants, led by Salman Raduev. At the same time, he served as an emissary in other countries, where he regularly traveled to seek financial support for the Chechen gang underground. He was one of the organizers of the hostage-taking in the capital's theater center on Dubrovka in October 2002.Since 2003, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev has been permanently residing in Qatar, where he received refugee status: by that time he was wanted by Interpol, and the UN Security Council officially recognized his connections with international terrorism. He was killed on February 13, 2004 in Doha when his car was blown up by a landmine installed under the bottom. Qatari authorities soon arrested the two Russians and, after a short trial, found them guilty of organizing the successful assassination attempt and sentenced them to life imprisonment. It was alleged that they were operational employees of the Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU) of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces. This information has not received official confirmation. However, in 2004, the Russian Foreign Ministry managed to achieve the extradition of the convicts to their homeland, where they were greeted with military honors at Vnukovo airport.
Terrorist President
The next great success of the Russian special services was the liquidation of Aslan Maskhadov on March 8, 2005. During the first war, he led most of the major offensive, defensive and sabotage actions of terrorists. Under the leadership of Maskhadov, Operation Jihad was carried out in August 1996 - an attack by militants on Grozny, Argun and Gudermes. And on January 27, 1997, following the election results, he was elected president of the republic, gaining 59.3% of the votes. It was during his presidency in Chechnya that mass crime flourished: kidnapping, slave trade, drug trafficking, oil theft, banditry, counterfeiting, terrorist attacks in Russia. It was Maskhadov who was the ideologist of the spread of separatist ideas to Dagestan, Karachay-Cherkessia, and Kabardino-Balkaria. In addition, he was the main supporter of the introduction of Sharia rule in Chechnya.
Maskhadov was taken by soldiers of the Special Purpose Center of the FSB of Russia. According to human intelligence data, it was possible to establish that since the beginning of 2005 he had been hiding in the village of Tolstoy-Yurt, Grozny district, in a specially fortified bunker under the house of one of his distant relatives. According to official data, it was there that the militant leader developed a plan for a terrorist attack, which was supposed to surpass Beslan in its cruelty. The capture groups managed to secretly approach the house and blockade the shelter. During a short fire contact with Maskhadov's bodyguards, the special forces managed to break through to the bunker door and blow it up with an overhead explosive charge. The leader died from severe barotrauma. However, according to one version, one of his assistants finished off the wounded Maskhadov with a pistol so that he would not fall into the hands of the security forces.
Chief executioner
The special services managed to destroy the most odious Chechen terrorist, Shamil Basayev, only in 2006. By this time, he had earned himself such a reputation and “track record” that he was rightfully considered enemy of the state number one. On June 14, 1995, he led a raid of 200 militants into the territory of the Stavropol Territory, where he captured the city of Budennovsk and one and a half thousand civilians. In August 1996, he took an active part in the assault on Grozny. In August 1999, together with Khattab, he carried out an invasion of Dagestan. Took responsibility for the hostage-taking at the Dubrovka theater in the fall of 2002. Conducted a series of terrorist attacks across the country using suicide bombers in 2003. Blew up two passenger aircraft in Moscow on August 24, 2004, and a week later his militants seized a school in Beslan. And this is not a complete list of terrorist attacks in which Basayev participated or organized. He has the blood of hundreds, if not thousands, of people on his hands.Reports of the death of Shamil Basayev have appeared with enviable regularity since 1995. However, the fact of its liquidation was officially confirmed by the Russian FSB only on July 10, when the head of the department, Nikolai Patrushev, reported this to the president of the country. A few hours earlier, the terrorist was eliminated in the Nazran region of Ingushetia. He accompanied a truck with weapons and ammunition, which he allegedly planned to use to carry out a series of terrorist attacks in the republic. Around two o'clock in the morning his KamAZ truck was blown up. The details of this operation are still kept secret. According to one version, the explosives were planted in the car by militants recruited by the FSB while loading ammunition; according to another, it was done by the secret service officers themselves while the militants were sleeping. According to Patrushev, the implementation of this plan took a lot of time and required enormous preparatory work, including abroad.
*Terrorist organization banned in Russia.
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